Real Reason Putin Will Never End the War in Ukraine

Putin has no intention of “peace talks” when it comes to ending the war in Ukraine. If he has it his way, the war will NEVER end. Find out why in today’s epic new video that reveals why Russia doesn’t want the war in Ukraine to end, and will do whatever it takes to keep the fight going on for as long as possible.

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Ukrainians wake up every 
day to the sound of bombs. But while missiles rain down, Russian 
President Vladimir Putin looks world leaders in the eye and claims he wants peace. 
His words say one thing, but his actions prove he’ll do anything to keep this war going. 
The real question is: why would a leader drag his own country through endless conflict?
On today’s episode of The Infographics Show, we’re breaking down why Putin never 
actually wants the war in Ukraine to end. When peace negotiators from around the 
world look at the Russia-Ukraine war, they see a territorial dispute that 
should be resolvable through compromise. But looks can be deceiving.
To Putin, this isn’t just a war. It’s a crusade to bring back Russia’s empire 
– one that can’t end until Ukraine ceases to exist. He doesn’t see Ukraine as independent. 
To him, it only exists as part of Mother Russia. It’s the foundational belief behind the 3 day 
special operation to invade Ukraine – even if that invasion ended up being a lot longer. 
Putin laid out his vision in a July 2021 essay, “On the Historical Unity of Ukrainians and 
Russians.” In it, he wrote that Ukraine has no legitimate right to exist separately from Russia. 
On paper, Putin talks about Ukraine and Russia’s shared history. But buried in the small print is 
the real message. If Ukraine stays independent, he sees it’s an attack on Russia’s very survival.
After the campaign suffered severe setbacks in the fall of 2022, Putin doubled down by announcing 
the annexation of four Ukrainian provinces that Russian forces hadn’t even fully conquered. 
This made it even more difficult to bring the war to an end. One of Moscow’s core 
demands became that Ukraine must hand over territory that Russia failed to take by force.
For Russia, it’s about power. For Ukraine, it’s about survival. Their peace proposals 
nearly always include some form of protection, typically involving joining NATO, where it 
would be covered by Article 5. This states that an attack on one member is an attack on all 
of them, a handy clause in case Russia plans to invade again. But most ceasefire or peace 
proposals put forward by Russia, China, or even the U.S. don’t include any such stipulation.
So, it’s in Ukraine’s best interest to actually fight for its country. And for Russia, 
the reasoning is pretty much the same. It can’t allow any kind of ceasefire agreement 
to grant Ukraine more protection from the West. Letting Ukraine stand would destroy Putin’s 
narrative. It would mean a nation he calls ‘basically Russian’ choosing the opposite side. 
It would prove to the world that ‘Russian culture’ is just a myth – and that Russia itself is a 
fragile patchwork of different peoples barely held together. This is why Putin keeps the war 
going. A free Ukraine kills his empire dream. But that’s only half the story. Inside Russia, 
his grip on power is shakier than it looks. Ending the war could lead to the downfall of 
Putin’s entire political system. For Putin, the war isn’t just a battle – it’s his legacy. He 
sees it as the rebirth of the empire, the way the Soviets did in World War II. And that means his 
rule, and maybe even his life, depend on victory The numbers alone are enough to make you stop in 
your tracks. The war has killed or wounded over 1 million Russians and ruined the nation’s economy. 
Nothing short of a comprehensive victory will do. A negotiated settlement that leaves Ukraine 
independent would be impossible to spin as anything other than a devastating defeat.
And yet, the current attritional scenario doesn’t make sense. By the end of 2022, after 
Ukraine pulled a Hail Mary and liberated most of the country, Russia was occupying 19% of 
Ukraine’s territory. From then on, the rate of progress has been practically stagnant.
Ukraine measures roughly 233,000 square miles (603,467 sq km), Russia captured only 
68 square miles (176 sq km) of Ukrainian territory. Based on that rate of progress, it 
would take roughly 230 more years for the war to end based on the current rate of progress.
Worse are the proposed casualty figures. Russia loses around 1,200 soldiers per day. Based on the 
230 years, the number of casualties hits almost 100 million. That’s close to 70% of Russia’s total 
population as it is today – roughly 143 million. The war machine would grind up generations of 
men – and possibly even women, depending on how it turns out. Russia and Ukraine would end up as 
husks of countries with nobody to live in them. Back at home, Putin’s 
problems don’t get any easier. Putin isn’t just managing casualties and slow 
progress – he’s built entire groups that depend on the war. About 27% of hardline patriots 
want the fighting to go on until Ukraine is erased. Another 15% think losing the war would 
mean losing Russia’s place as a world power. And Kremlin propaganda feeds them both.
Interestingly, the support for the war has remained relatively consistent throughout, 
regardless of the progress or lack thereof. A poll conducted by Levada Center showed 
that practically the same proportion of people supported the war at its beginning 
as in the last months of 2024 – when Russia suffered arguably the biggest losses at the time.
And while the support for the war remains high, that also means that a large chunk of Russia’s 
population regards that winning the war is pivotal to Russia maintaining its identity. And that’s 
one of Putin’s problems – if he ends the war, that hardcore minority turns against him.
But it’s not even all about the wider population. Putin has used the previous two 
decades of his presidency to carefully curate his inner circle with people who align with 
his worldview. These men are known as the siloviki – power brokers who got rich under 
Putin through industry, security, and old KGB ties. These same men are also well aware that 
Putin’s grasp on power is tenuous at best. It hinges on his ability to control the propaganda 
and ensure these ventures stay profitable. And the siloviki are likely more than ecstatic 
about Russia’s potential rise on the world stage. However, if Putin makes a sudden turn and starts 
yielding to the West, then they might lose hope in him as the face of Russia’s renewed imperialism.
And when elites feel threatened, anything can happen – like the attempted coup in 1991 against 
former President Mikhail Gorbachev. Back then, KGB leaders tried to stop reforms that were 
spreading democracy and nationalism. Today’s siloviki hold the same kind of power, which 
makes the parallels to Putin hard to ignore. Putin’s closest circles are who he depends on – 
but they can also be the ones who overthrow him if he starts looking like the wrong choice. 
If the war ends in failure, the same people who sacrificed the most could turn on Putin.
While there are over 1 million casualties in the war, there are also hundreds of thousands 
of battle-hardened soldiers who will return home – either victorious or with tails between 
their legs. If the latter happens, these demoralized soldiers will be looking for someone 
to blame. And conveniently, since this is Putin’s war, they will descend like locusts on Russian 
society and increase its already-high level of criminality. Given Russian history, hungry 
returning soldiers can also bring down regimes. And if politics and society weren’t enough, 
Putin also has to deal with the mess he made of the economy. Russia’s leaders have 
rewritten the rules. If you’re loyal, you get rich. If you’re not, you get crushed.
War has turned into big business. Soldiers get bigger paychecks, their families get 
support, and defense contractors rake in money. Even dying factory towns are suddenly 
alive with high-paying weapons jobs. Together, they form a new pro-war coalition.
In 2024, military spending was set to reach around 40% of the public budget and 
fuel economic growth. And if the Kremlin wants to avoid an economic collapse, it will have 
to continue spending at current levels long after the war is over. At the same time, there 
are no signs of any plans to replace military spending with alternative government stimulus.
It’s a vicious cycle. The war creates money, the money creates support, and the support keeps 
Putin in power. If it ended, that support could collapse overnight, leaving the regime unstable.
Inside Russia, even war profits spark power struggles. Six powerful families – 
Patrushev, Chemezov, Kirienko, Rotenberg, Kovalchuk, and Sechin – are raking in money from 
nationalized industries. If the fighting ends, that cash cow dries up. So Putin’s inner circle 
will fight to keep it going as long as they can. On the world stage, the war is all Putin’s 
got. It lets him act like Russia is still a superpower — even if that’s just a show. This 
is supported by the fact that the West has been woefully ill-equipped to cut economic and trading 
ties with Russia when the war actually started. Even today, the EU spends more money importing 
Russian gas than it does on providing aid to Ukraine. But trade with Europe has collapsed. 
The EU is cutting off Russian energy and plans to ditch it completely by the end of the decade.
Russia has managed to negate some of the effects of sanctions by exporting goods to the West by 
using its extensive shadow fleet – vessels that have other countries’ flags. But this 
significantly increases the risk and cost of shipping vast amounts of fuel, which is 
cutting into Russia’s ability to profit from it. To make up for the loss of income from oil and gas 
on the Western end, Russia has increasingly turned to the Indo-Pacific. More specifically, China and 
India have become its biggest trading partners, not just in oil and gas, but for a whole range 
of consumer goods. Even in the first few months of the war, China increased its imports of 
oil by over 10% and of natural gas by over 40%. In mid-2024, Russia-China bilateral trade 
volume reached its peak at over $244 billion. China isn’t doing Russia any favors. Europe used 
to pay $481 for Russian energy. China only pays $271. And when the war ends, Russians will 
realize their ‘brilliant leader’ turned them into China’s discount gas station – little 
more than a sidekick to Beijing and Pyongyang The conflict keeps Russia at the center of 
global diplomatic attention in ways that would be impossible during peacetime. Putin truly believes 
that he can eventually wrest control over all of Ukraine, which is also why he’s not settling for 
just taking a few bits and pieces of the country. almost three years in, he’s betting Russia 
can outlast Ukraine on the battlefield and the West in politics. In his view, Russia is 
just big and tough enough to grind Ukraine down and wait out Western resolve. Ukraine’s size 
makes it vulnerable. Fewer people, fewer weapons, and corruption that risks starving the war 
effort – all things Putin is counting on The war also serves as a powerful tool 
for reshaping the global order in Russia’s favor. By forcing Europe and the United States to 
spend enormous resources on supporting Ukraine, Putin weakens Western economies – 
while strengthening Russia’s ties with authoritarian allies. The conflict has 
accelerated Russia’s pivot toward China, Iran, and North Korea. These relationships provide 
crucial economic and military support while challenging Western supremacy in the world.
Putin’s approach to negotiations reveals his true intentions. His KGB-trained strategy 
relies on twisting reality. Even going to international summits where the main topic would 
be the war and possible peace deals seems like a major concession, and is often treated as such 
by the West. But Putin twists those so-called peace offers into demands for land or political 
control – things Ukraine will never accept. The main goal here isn’t peace but time.
The more he prolongs the diplomatic process, the more he can secure tangible territorial 
gains on the battlefield and even blame Kyiv for the deadlock. This strategy 
allows Putin to appear reasonable on the international stage while continuing to 
pursue his objectives through military force. One of the strangest twists in Putin’s war is 
the economy. Despite sanctions, Russia’s GDP actually grew – 3.6% in 2023 and 4.1% in 2024. 
Numbers most countries would be jealous of. This economic performance, even if it is 
artificial, has become one of Putin’s most powerful political weapons. Key indicators 
like GDP growth, household income, and low unemployment have become trump cards to justify 
spending and further war investment. Putin waves those stats in the West’s face to say sanctions 
failed. Then he shows them off in Asia and Africa as proof Russia’s economy is rock solid.
And while economic inequality has deepened, many Russians feel their standard of living has 
improved. Shockingly, more than 40% of Russians now say they don’t care about freedom or rights – 
as long as they get state paychecks and pensions. For Putin and his circle, that’s perfect. They get 
richer off the war, send regular Russians to die, and still brag about a ‘growing economy.’
This creates a twisted dynamic. Ending the war could destroy the very prosperity that’s kept 
Putin in power. Whoever comes after him will inherit a wrecked economy and a population 
with no interest in sacrifice or reform. Putin’s strategy also fundamentally depends on his 
belief that time is on Russia’s side. Technically speaking, both sides believe that it still has 
a reasonable chance of victory. But Putin’s version of victory might not even require decisive 
battlefield success – just outlasting Ukraine and the world’s political will to support it.
The recent diplomatic maneuvering around ceasefire talks reveals this strategy in 
action. When President Donald Trump set an August 2025 deadline to end the war or face 
crushing sanctions, Putin blinked – asking for a meeting and hinting to U.S. envoy Steve Witkoff 
that he might bend. This prospect persuaded Trump to let the August 8th deadline pass without any 
new sanctions. Yet there’s been no public evidence of a new, more conciliatory Kremlin position.
Putin makes just enough diplomatic gestures to avoid escalatory pressure while continuing to 
pursue military objectives. Russian officials have been explicit about their approach, with 
one delegation member reportedly saying to Ukrainian negotiators: “We don’t want war, 
but we’re ready to fight for a year, two, three – however long it takes. We fought Sweden 
for 21 years. How long are you ready to fight?” Meanwhile, the human costs keep piling up and 
accelerating, with over 260,000 casualties from January to July 2025. If it continues at 
that rate, it’s over half a million casualties in 2025 – roughly half of the total casualty 
count in the first three years. And yet Putin continues to view these as acceptable costs for 
his broader objectives. He has announced a plan for a year-round conscription, with the most 
recent wave of 160,000 recruits in April 2025. From Putin’s view, the sacrifices have a 
purpose. They keep pressure on Ukraine, prove Russia can stomach massive losses, and warn 
the West that Moscow won’t quit over casualties. To see why Putin won’t end the war, you have 
to understand how dictators stay in power. Putin crushed democracy, built his image 
as an untouchable strongman, and turned Russia into a tool for his own ambitions.
For the first few years of the 21st century, this was evidenced by his closer ties 
to the West, where he seemingly aligned himself with Western ideology. However, this 
was driven mainly by the fact that Russia was still recovering from the fall of the Soviet 
Union and finding its place in the world. When Russia thought it was ready to be a great power 
again, fueled by oil money and global goodwill, it slammed the door – declaring it was done 
with a U.S.-led world order. Meanwhile, it kept stirring the pot in former Soviet states 
to build up dissent and minority conflicts, which allowed it greater control over its neighbors.
But Ukraine eventually completely turned away from Russia after decades of repeatedly switching 
between pro-Western and pro-Russian views. Which is why the conflict is so central to this rule. If 
Ukraine actually pulls away from Russia for good, it will send a clear signal that 
what Putin has done isn’t enough. This kind of thinking makes any meaningful 
negotiation impossible. Russian demands Ukraine gives up territory, and 
all it gets back is a pause in the fighting. Kyiv will never accept that.
In truth, these proposals are designed to be rejected. Each refusal allows Russia to 
claim that Ukraine is the obstacle to peace while justifying continued military action. Putin 
continues to insist that any settlement must focus on eliminating what he refers to as the “root 
causes” of the war. That means forcing Ukraine into neutrality, stripping away its weapons, and 
putting it back under Russia’s imperial thumb. The tragic reality is that Putin’s war has become 
a machine that keeps itself running. Every month the conflict continues, it becomes harder for 
him to end it without admitting failure. The war feeds Putin’s power with cash, loyal 
factions, and ideology. That’s why peace itself is the real threat to his regime.
This isn’t a border dispute that can be resolved through compromise. It’s not even really 
about NATO expansion or security guarantees.If this war was really about territory or NATO, 
maybe diplomats could bargain for peace. But the real reasons – Putin’s empire dream 
and Ukraine’s fight for survival – make peace talks nothing more than fantasy.
Putin may want the war in Ukraine to drag on forever, but not everyone sees it 
that way. Watch Why China Wants Russia To LOSE Ukraine War to understand what Beijing 
really gains. Or click on this video instead.