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🚩 Related videos:
Episode 1 – Taginae, 552: https://youtu.be/XEPfs5WhKys
Episode 2 – Mons Lactarius, 553: https://youtu.be/JlTzP0mKJyI
Episode 3 – Volturnus, 554: https://youtu.be/AxpJPcQWyyA
Battle of Tolbiac, 496: https://youtu.be/_mIb1TOgmD0

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🚩 In the aftermath of Mons Lactarius 553, the Italian peninsula remained a land scarred by war, its cities battered and its people weary from decades of conflict. The Byzantine Empire, under the command of Justinian’s generals, had already struck decisive blows against the Ostrogothic Kingdom, yet the struggle for mastery over Italy was far from settled. The defeat of the Gothic king did not instantly erase the deep-rooted resistance of his people, nor did it ensure that Byzantine control would be secure. Instead, new threats emerged on the horizon, testing the fragile balance of power that had been achieved.

For the Byzantines, Italy represented far more than a battlefield—it was the symbolic heart of the old Roman world, a prize that could validate Justinian’s vision of renovatio imperii, the restoration of imperial greatness. For the Ostrogoths and their allies, the land was both home and legacy, a realm they would not surrender without further struggle. In the months following Mons Lactarius, shifting allegiances, military maneuvering, and the question of who truly commanded Italy’s destiny created a tense and uncertain climate. At stake was not only the future of a kingdom but also the direction of an empire, with the next great clash looming ever closer.

📢 Narrated by David McCallion

🎼 Music:
Kevin MacLeod
EpidemicSound
Filmstro

📖 Sources and Citations:
History of the Wars (Gothic War) – Procopius (545)
Rome Resurgent – Peter Heather (2018)
Military History of Late Rome 518–565 – John D. Burtt (1955)
History of the Later Roman Empire – J. B. Bury (1923)
The Byzantine Wars – John Haldon (2008)
Narses and the Battle of Taginae (Busta Gallorum) 552: Procopius and sixth century warfare – Philip Rance (2005)
50 Battles That Changed the World: The Conflicts That Most Influenced the Course of History – William Weir (2004)
Justinian’s Wars: Belisarius, Narses, and the reconquest of the West – Roy Boss (1993)

Correction:
00:05 There is no proof that Narses did not have facial hair. In the original mosaic from ~550 AD, standing next to Justinian, Narses is portrayed with a mustache and a thin beard. Eunuchs who were castrated after puberty did have facial hair and a male voice. Although it is unknown when Narses was castrated, the fact that he is portrayed as having a mustache in the 550’s suggests he did have facial hair.

#history #medieval #rome

It is early winter, 552, and throughout 
Italy there is a growing sense of relief and thanks for deliverance.
The army of Narses, court eunuch to the Roman emperor Justinian, has now delivered no 
fewer than two great victories in open battle with the Goths – first destroying the main army 
of Totila at Taginae and then obliterating the remnants under Teias in the shadow of Vesuvius.
A few of the small remaining Gothic garrisons dotted around the country hunker down 
and pray for a miracle, while thousands of others who have made their life in Italy 
over the preceding 60 years stream north. But just as the clouds of war appear to be finally 
blowing off and leaving nothing but clear skies, a new storm appears on the horizon.
Theodebald of the Franks – barely twenty years old and known to be sickly – has thus 
far stood aloof from taking a side in the war between the Romans and the Goths.
The Franks control the north of Italy, and there has been little need to waste good men 
in the interminable sixteen year Gothic War. Now, the moment has come to strike.
Two leaders of ancient Alemanni peoples – Leutharis and Buccelin – step forward 
and seek permission to lead a force south. The Alemanni are ostensibly subject to the Franks 
since the victories of Clovis decades earlier, but Theodebald puts no restriction on his vassals 
recruiting Frankish warriors for what is to be an invasion of the still rich Italian peninsula.
Thus, with Narses negotiating at the walls of Cumae in the spring following the bitter battle 
with Teias at Mons Lacturius – 75,000 barbarians flood across the border and make straight 
for the shell shocked cities of Italy. Narses acts decisively in the face of 
the invasion, leaving a holding force at Cumae and then moving into the 
central terrain of the peninsula. Centumcellae, Florence, Volaterrae, Pisa, and Luna 
all come over to the imperial side in short order, but there remains a defiant Gothic garrison at 
Lucca, and they have heard that the Franks are sending an army to fight the Romans.
They will not surrender. The mixed Alemanni and Frank army is by now 
approaching Parma, and Narses sends another mixed host and the greater part of his front line 
fighters north under John and Valerian to take up position on the Po and block any advance.
Nevertheless, the Alemanni take Parma. A force of Heruli attempt to retake the town without 
awaiting Narses’s orders or possible reinforcement and they are badly defeated.
John and Valerian retreat to Faventia, while the Alemanni and Franks put the 
north of Italy to fire and sword. Narses, meanwhile, has finally compelled the 
Luccans to surrender and better news is to come when he moves on to Ravenna to arrange 
his strategy for the coming cold months. There, Aligern, the Gothic commander 
of Cumae, arrives and formally cedes control of the city to the empire.
With the situation in central and southern Italy stabilized – Tarentum having been won back 
at the same time as the campaign against Teias by the Roman commander of Hydruntum, Pacurius – 
Narses travels from Ravenna to Rome and governs there during the cold months.
The crisis in the north will have to wait until spring.
When the thaw does come, Narses surprises many by bringing the army that 
he had left in the environs of Ravenna south to Rome and draws his forces together there.
It appears that sparing the mother of cities from another sacking is his main priority.
Still, apart from the heavily walled town and fortresses, all of Etruria and 
the Adriatic regions are now fair game for the spoliating Alemanni and Franks.
The pleasant weather brings with it the bouquet of death and holocaust, as the bands of Buccelin 
and Leutharis blaze ever mercilessly south. They demur at the prospect of laying siege 
to Rome, splitting into two separate bands under their respective leaders in Samnium 
and lighting trails of fire down the land. Bury tells us that Buccelin strikes 
with the greater number into “Campania, Lucania, and Brutti to the Straits of Messina.”
Leutharis helps himself to “Apulia and Calabria as far as Hydruntum.” This pillage pleases the 
Alemannic leader, and satisfied with his haul, he begins the march north once more.
Buccelin, on the other hand, has been swayed not only by the numbers of Gothic remnants 
who have flocked to his standard and merrily joined his rampage, but also their and his own 
subordinates’ encouragement to face Narses in battle and take the crown of Italy for himself.
Seeing the passivity of the Roman commander during his march south, Buccelin decides 
that his time has indeed come, and he will offer battle to the elderly courtier.
Sending word to Leutharis for reinforcement, he begins to march toward Capua.
Leutharis is still marching north, but he promises to send the requested 
units once he is safely out of Italy. Raiding and the gigantic bounty of 
treasure and captives are enough for him. Leutharis’s plans are dealt a blow, 
however, when his column is ambushed at Fanum by a force of Romans who have 
moved from their station at Pisaurum. The Alemanni and Franks are like a slow moving 
turtle, so laid down are they with loot, and the Romans chase them off with glee 
and retake possession of the goods. Leutharis manages to clear the ambush 
with the better part of his force intact, which is a deliverance from what is a 
near fatal brush with Narses’s forces, but it remains a galling loss of the rosy 
future he had imagined for himself. He makes for the settlement of Ceneta to 
regroup and take stock of his position. Meanwhile, Narses has heard of Buccelin’s move 
toward Capua and how he has established his position on the Volturnus river.
Seeing this as the opportunity for which he had been waiting, Narses deploys his 
entire field force – 18,000 men – and marches to confront the Alemann and his horde.
Any hope that Buccelin has of receiving extra companies from Leutharis evaporate when 
messengers arrive with news that disease has broken out at Ceneta, and the Alemannic force, as 
well as their Frankish and Goth allies have died, along with their commander.
Buccelin will fight Narses alone. When Narses reaches Buccelin’s position, 
he finds that the Alemannic’s leader has built his camp so that the Volturnus 
acts as a bulwark on one side and the remaining three are also well 
secured with defensive works, mostly the repurposed components of supply 
wagons and any other heavy objects to hand. Narses observes that Buccelin has fortified 
the nearest bridge with nothing less than a watchtower, thus not only giving cover 
against an attack on the camp’s entrance, but providing a route of escape should the Romans 
successfully best the enemy in the field. Narses disdains to embark on a full 
scale attack, which would likely be successful but undoubtedly costly in lives, so 
he proposes to offer open battle in the field. First however, he must eliminate the tactical 
advantages of Buccelin’s preparations. The Armenian cavalry officer 
Chanaranges is directed to lead what amounts to a commando mission.
Capturing a number of Alemanni supply wagons, Chanaranges storms the bridge, taking the 
defenders by surprise and then wheeling the wagon up to the tower with its contents set on fire.
Choosing to vacate their wooden tower rather than burn to death, the defenders flee, and 
the first tactical win is to the Romans. Narses begins preparations for a decisive 
encounter but he is interrupted when a disruption and altercation takes place in his camp.
A member of the Heruls, the foederati whose exemplary quality of infantry has assisted in the 
victories at Taginae and Mons Lacturius, puts a servant to death for an undisclosed infraction, 
and Narses calls the man up for punishment. The Herulian leadership protest – stating that 
they are free to follow their own traditions outside of Narses’s Christian strictures, but the 
Roman commander is adamant in reserving the right to give or take life within his own army.
It is a strong test of Narses’s leadership, and he cannot allow the Herulians 
to overrule him or else he will lose control of his highly diverse force.
In the end, outright violence among the Roman confederation is avoided, but the Heruls announce 
that they will withdraw from the fighting. Narses respects their decision and makes it 
clear that he will keep the Herulian place in the line open should they have second thoughts 
and wish to partake in the coming battle. Seemingly unbeknownst to Narses, two 
disgruntled Herulians make their way into the Alemannic camp, and there they 
pass on word of events to Buccelin. They tell him in no uncertain terms that the 
Herulian section of the Roman line will be empty, and all he needs to do is direct his 
attack toward that and the Roman line will implode like an inflated bladder.
Buccelin is overjoyed at the intelligence, and the next morning, when Narses draws up 
his formations to offer battle, he has his own companies brought forth from their fortifications 
and they take their place on the field. The Romans take up a similar line 
to that they had formed at Taginae: an infantry center with cavalry on the wings.
While Narses had the majority of these horse archers on foot at the earlier battle, now he 
appears to order them to stay on their mounts. The missing Herulian position is glaring, 
but Narses has some troops kept the rear in reserve in front of the Roman camp 
for any necessary developments. Buccelin has been told that Narses’s numbers 
are greatly reduced from their highpoint in the campaign against Totila, and it appears 
to the Alemannic leader that the Roman host is barely half that of his own 20,000 
strong force, neatly fitting to the wooded areas on the left side of the Roman line.
As at Taginae, Narses – in spite of his advanced years – has positioned 
himself on the right wing. The Alemanns and their Frankish allies form into 
two distinct columns that converge into a strong, single point at their head – the cuneus “wedge 
or boar’s head” – so designed that the men at the front line can batter their way through 
the enemy using their tight shield wall. Though the Alemanns and Franks are considered 
barbarians, their peoples have been in contact with the Romans for centuries, and they have 
a knowledge of military strategy and tactics, if not the discipline, supply, and 
training of the ancient legions. Narses’s Roman army itself is also a degenerated 
entity from those centuries of greatness, and Buccelin is of the opinion that this day will 
bring him glory and renown beyond imagination. The Herulian deserters have told him that not 
only is Narses missing their vital contingent, but the whole Roman army is despondent 
as a result of their withdrawal. Buccelin need only smash his 
axe through their flimsy door, and the whole house will be his for the taking.
At the trumpet’s call, the Franks and Alemanns storm forward toward the Roman position. 
Their spirits are high – their limbs strong. The lances and blades they carry 
are perfectly weighted and sharp. Even the hail of arrows from the 
archers lining the Roman center and the flanks fails to dampen their ardor.
On they go, Buccelin screaming out holy terror in their midst, urging them forward and 
feeling their strength grow with every step. By comparison, the Romans are silent 
– muted as they loose their bows and then throw their lances when the enemy is 
close and sprinting toward their redoubt. Buccelin’s men reach the Roman palisade, axes 
chopping at the barricades, spears thrusting over at the faces of the defenders.
They make straight for the gap where the Herulians should be making their stand, 
and they flood through the attempts to hold them back with dismissive ease.
The boar’s head has rammed its way to success, thousands of troops still behind in the two 
columns and making their way forward, the wider flanks and even units of the Roman center 
seemingly unable to get to grips with them. The same is true for the Roman reserve, which 
is engaged by some units of the advance guard but others are able to bypass it entirely.
The farthest units of Buccelin’s vanguard reach the outskirts of the Roman camp and 
fighting erupts there with the sentries. The Germanic fury is incessant – inexhaustible 
– spears stab at the defenders and swords flash in arcs to bring down those who are 
distracted with defending themselves. Buccelin can feel it. He has done what the 
great Totila failed to do and defeated the Roman eunuch.
He can taste the ambrosia of victory on his tongue…
His men are singing as they slaughter… Then…
There is a change in the air. It seems as though the gods have flicked 
their fingers and suddenly all is different in some indescribable manner.
Buccelin cannot see the units around the camp and fighting the Roman reserve, 
but it is clear that the forward movement has come to an abrupt cessation.
The columns are not advancing any longer through the Roman line.
Though it is past the line of visibility to the majority of Franks 
and Alemanns in the midst of the battle, the Herulian infantry has emerged and formed a 
solid row of steel before Buccelin’s vanguard. With a cold fury every bit as effective as the 
enemy, they begin to push back the Franks. Buccelin has time to finally register 
this, but there is nothing he can do, for at that same moment, Narses gives 
a signal from his position on the wing, and the Roman flanks begin to move outward.
The wings are filled with horse archers and these rain arrows down on the backs of the 
Franks and Alemann advanced front lines. The unfortunate vanguard is now being 
attacked on three sides at once, and its men quickly fall into despair when they 
cannot see the source of the arrows that are felling their comrades by the hundred.
It is at this point that Narses gives another signal and on the Roman left wing, 
additional cavalry units emerge from the woods. This has the effect of unleashing 
latent panic in Buccelin’s columns, and they rapidly lose all semblance 
of cohesion and begin to flee. In their alarm at the horse archers charging 
their rear, the Franks and Alemanns rush forward, through the gap in the Roman line 
and upset their vanguard there. Thus, the entire Frank and Alemann army is 
now behind the original Roman positions, and the Herulians neatly march forward and 
take their place amidst the formation. The Romans – in their regular and practiced 
division – then advance in a line on the hysterical enemy, who is left with two 
choices – annihilation at the hands of the resurgent and merciless advance, or 
else to throw themselves into the river. To make matters worse, the Roman horse archers 
have retaken their places on the wings, and with the support of the ferocious 
infantry, they spray deadly hails of arrows down at the stranded units on the banks.
The carnage is like nothing else – a few make it across the river, but the 
majority drown in the effort. Those that choose to offer resistance 
die where they make their stand. The chronicler Agathias records that fewer 
than 10 men survive from Buccelin’s force of 20,000, while the Roman deaths are 
significantly lower than 100 in total. It is a superlative and glorious 
victory for the empire. Though there is no way for him to be 
sure at the time, Narses has finally secured Italy for the empire, and in honor 
of his service, Emperor Justinian makes him “Exarch” or governor of the entire peninsula.
A new dawn has risen for the Romans, and what was lost has now been refound. Narses embarks on a 
years’ long project of rebuilding, reorganizing, and replenishing, and for the first time in one 
hundred years, those who believe in the divine destiny of the universal empire and faith can 
console themselves that all is as it should be…

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41 Comments

  1. That ad is too long, I didn’t pay premium to suffer a 3 minute long ad after 2 minutes of video. That was really on the nose I couldn’t watch after that 😢

  2. i wonder how Belisarius would have felt at Narses' success. Was he happy that Italy was once again with the empire? Was he jealous of Narses? Was he angry for not being included in the final campaign?

  3. I just want a $200 million dollar series of like every major battle from the punic wars to the fall of Constantinople. All directed by Steve Speilberg

  4. As a massive Belisarius fanboy, the lack of troop and money support he received during his reconquering of Italy, it frustrates me to see Narses get such better support. So much more could have been done by Narses and Belisarius during this time.

  5. Think it would be good with a follow up:

    In the spring of 568, Alboin led the Lombard migration into Italy, which he planned for years. According to the History of the Lombards, "Then the Langobards, having left Pannonia, hastened to take possession of Italy with their wives and children and all their goods. At least 20,000 Saxon warriors, old allies of the Lombards, and their families joined them in their new migration. The first important city to fall was Forum Iulii (Cividale del Friuli) in northeastern Italy, in 569. There, Alboin created the first Lombard duchy, which he entrusted to his nephew Gisulf. Soon Vicenza, Verona and Brescia fell into Germanic hands. In the summer of 569, the Lombards conquered the main Roman centre of northern Italy, Milan. The area was then recovering from the terrible Gothic Wars, and the small Byzantine army left for its defence could do almost nothing. Longinus, the Exarch sent to Italy by Emperor Justin II, could only defend coastal cities that could be supplied by the powerful Byzantine fleet. Pavia fell after a siege of three years, in 572, becoming the first capital city of the new Lombard kingdom of Italy.

    In the following years, the Lombards penetrated further south, conquering Tuscany and establishing two duchies, Spoleto and Benevento under Zotto, which soon became semi-independent and even outlasted the northern kingdom, surviving well into the twelfth century. Wherever they went, they were joined by the Ostrogothic population.

  6. I just want to say that I love the videos, and one of my favorite things is the extra contextual notes written at the end of every video. I hope you never stop including those, because I love it.

  7. The Alamanni have the dubious reputation of being the most savage of all the barbarian destroyers of the ancient world, massacring and burning alive more Romans than any other tribe, and had they won in 554 Italy would have been even more seriously depopulated, but the ruins would not have been conquered by the Lombards.

  8. Narsus did such a great job in ending the war and defeating the goths as eel as the franks.. Such a Shame that wit in a decade or two, northern Italy woukd be lost forever to the lombards. Though central and southern Italy would remain in Byzantine hands for another 500 years.

  9. I had never heard of this battle, but as I was watching the video I was thinking to myself that the whole incident regarding the allied troops abandoning the Romans was probably a trick. The way the video described the Franks being in high spirits as they fought just screamed of a trick to me.

    It turns out I was right. If that was intentional, that was a brilliant piece of strategy by Narses. If not, then it was pure luck that they showed up when they did. The guy must have the best luck rolls.

  10. more Sassanid content? I want to learn about men like bahram chobin or really any Iranian men that are worthy of being remembered. (and I am sure, there are many.)

  11. Hey @HistoryMarche would it be ok if you could do a documentary video about how the kingdom of picts went into the Kingdom of Alba that unified with the strayf clyde Kelts to form the Scotland we know up to 1371?

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