Question Time. The Executive Office with ISL

Question Time. The Executive Office with ISL

I would like to welcome Mr John Burroughs, who is the new MLA for Northampton. He was signed in in early August and this is our first opportunity to give you a welcome. I trust you have a good time in this chamber and are able to serve the people well of that area. I now move to questions to the Deputy First Minister and I call Michelle Guy. Thank you Mr Speaker. Before I begin with your indulgence Mr Speaker, I would like to take a moment to reflect on the tragic deaths of Vanessa White and her two children, James and Sarah Rutledge. These were absolutely horrific murders and I have no doubt that everyone across this House shares in the horror of what happened. It emphasises once again the absolute need for us all to work together to end violence against women and girls. I also pay tribute to the dignity and courage of their friends and family and I think in particular of the school friends and other schoolmates of both of those children as they start back to school this week and with the grief that undoubtedly they will feel. We want to ensure that all women are safe and feel safe everywhere. That is why the strategic framework to end violence against women and girls addresses the whole range of gender-based violence, abuse and harm, including online. The framework is not intended to displace existing policy remits but to strengthen and coordinate the executive response to challenging violence against women and girls. The Ending Violence Against Women and Girls Change Fund is a fundamental part of delivering the strategic framework and focuses on prevention. There are many excellent projects, including in our constituency of Lagan Valley, which work with expert organisations and the PSNI to educate on safety in online spaces. The Department of Health has sponsorship of the executive’s online safety strategy and accompanying three-year action plan, which was published in February 2021. Our officials are members of the online safety strategy across the departmental implementation group and work closely with colleagues to ensure that we use every opportunity to protect women and girls and ensure their safety. The UK Online Safety Act is also an important tool in combating online abuse and harms, and we remain committed to engaging with Ofcom on the implementation of this. Mrs Guy. Thank you for that response, Deputy First Minister. I echo your comments about those awful tragedies. If you regard online safety for our children and young people as a priority, do you think that the online strategy and action plan that we have at the moment is good enough? Thank you, Mr Speaker. I thank the Member for her question. It is incredibly important that all the actions arising from this are fit for purpose. I have said to this House previously that I have had someone who has been convicted, charged and has pled guilty under the online safety legislation, and he is currently in custody. That is a demonstration, unfortunately, not only of the act in action but of the need for that. I would like to get into a position where we do not need to use that piece of legislation, and that applies right throughout. I want to take the opportunity to extend my thanks to Simon Harris. He has been subjected to a number of threats over the course of the summer and yet another one just in the last few days. It is absolutely appalling. It demonstrates that abuse does not just target of course women and girls—that is the focus of this particular piece of work—but very often those in public life across all political parties. In terms of this work, it is critically important that we genuinely get the right actions to tackle this, should it be towards those in public life, women and girls, no matter where they are, and in particular children. I want to acknowledge the leadership that the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister have given to highlighting the scourge of ending violence against women and girls. Making progress will require a whole-of-government and whole-of-society approach. Can the Deputy First Minister therefore provide an update on how the TEO is working collaboratively with Executive Departments to tackle sexual violence against women and girls? Thank you for your question. It is one of the six key outcomes, which is working better together. That means all parts of our system working together to try to tackle this. We had the privilege and honour, just last week, of attending an Ending Violence Against Women and Girls conference at Craigavon Integrated College. There we joined over 100 pupils from a number of schools, but also the McNally family, who have done incredibly brave work in this area. It must be so hard for them to talk about Natalie, who she was, and to step up time and time again, but I know that they are doing that, because they genuinely do not want violence to happen to another woman, what happened to their Natalie. I pay tribute to them. It was an absolute honour to be at that event with them. It also demonstrates that it is not just about working across government and with local government, but about working with young people and all parts of our society at the earliest possible opportunity to tackle those misogynistic attitudes and issues that, in turn, will give rise to violence against women and girls. Diane Dodds. I thank the Deputy First Minister for her answers and for her reference to the conference that we attended on Friday. One of the issues that is really important to families who have experienced this type of terrible violence is the justice system and, in particular, the length of time that it is taking for cases to come before the courts and the anxiety that that causes those families. Will the Minister work within the Executive to ensure that there is a much swifter response for those families? I thank the Member for her important question. She is absolutely right. Justice in Northern Ireland is much too slow. It puts people, not just those who are waiting to appear before the courts, but the victims’ families, who have to suffer for many months, if not years, waiting for that case to come up in court. That is an unbearable anxiety on that family. Families need to see justice done, and they need to see it done in a much swifter way. I had the opportunity to return to the Bar a number of years ago. I have to say that I was genuinely shocked by the length of time that criminal cases are taking. I was involved in a number of cases, none of which got to trial over the couple of years that I was at the Bar. This is an urgent issue, and we need to tackle it. Justice must be swifter. I believe that we are the slowest across these isles. That is not acceptable. It is not acceptable for victims, and it is not acceptable for their families. We need to get on and tackle that issue and produce swift justice now. I thank the Member for his question. President Trump’s unprecedented second state visit to the UK is an opportunity to showcase Northern Ireland’s strengths, build relationships with the President and his team, and boost trade and investment. Using the visit to build personal ties is particularly important given the UK-US economic prosperity deal and ongoing uncertainty around tariffs. I have had an opportunity to personally participate in the state banquet at Wildernshire Castle on Wednesday 17 September, which is being hosted by His Majesty the King, in honour of the President of the United States of America and the First Lady. As with all engagements, I will use this event to promote Northern Ireland as a great place to live, work, invest and visit, and to remind the President about our unique connection to the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. As always, I will use this opportunity to showcase this fantastic place that I am proud to call home. When I met the President in Washington in March, we spoke about golf, but of course we spoke about Northern Ireland. I will be keen to highlight how successful this year’s 153rd Open has been. It is vital to many businesses and communities across Northern Ireland that we not only reaffirm our unique position to the President, but cultivate a constructive relationship with the Administration, one that supports our exporters as well as encouraging investment. Through the Northern Ireland Bureau, we are developing those relationships with key stakeholders, many of whom are new in D.C. This is much more about Northern Ireland benefiting. It is not just about Northern Ireland benefiting from US investment, but about how our companies can invest and benefit the US as well. Mr Brooks. Thank you, Mr Speaker. I thank the Minister for her answer and her work in this area. There has scarcely been a more important time. I would suggest engaging with the President of the United States. The Deputy First Minister had to step up at St Patrick’s Day last year when the First Minister decided not to show leadership. What are the plans in that regard this time around? Will the First Minister be attending? Minister. Thank you. I thank the Member for his question. At this stage, the First Minister will not be attending the state banquet with President Trump. From my point of view, I engage with people—politicians and leaders—right from all different shades of political opinion. As far as I am concerned, this is not about what I personally feel about them. It is not even about what my view is about their political opinion. It is about me being in this role and showing that leadership and engaging with people where there is a particular interest and importance for Northern Ireland. I do believe that that is what leadership is all about. I certainly will not be found wanting, in terms of stepping forward, should it be representing Northern Ireland in terms of the D-Day commemorations, talking to Prime Ministers, going to London and lobbying for what is best for this place to raise our issues at every opportunity and, yes, going to D.C. to talk to President Trump and to go to these events. When we met with His Majesty the King, he was very clear that he wanted the devolved regions and nations to participate in the likes of state banquets. That had not happened before in these state visits. These are unique and fantastic opportunities to engage not just with the President but with his entire team that he brings with him. Many people come to the UK as part of that delegation, all covering everything from trade to social links to departmental and right through to the administration. You get a good opportunity to talk around these events to a number of key people. I am looking forward to that. I will always stand up and speak up for Northern Ireland. Deputy First Minister, given the conversation we have just had about violence against women, it is important to put on the record that Donald Trump was found liable in a New York court by a jury of sexually assaulting a woman, and there have been numerous other allegations against him. In your office’s engagement with President Trump, acknowledging his office and the importance of the United States to this place, can I ask that we do not operate a values-based policy, whether it is in relation to violence against women, the ongoing genocide in Gaza or the use of the authorities in the United States to intimidate people? This cannot be a values-free engagement. Can I ask the Deputy First Minister that it will not be? Thank you, Mr Speaker. I will engage with the President of the United States because of the role that he holds, which is the President of the United States. The US is incredibly important for Northern Ireland. I could outline many issues where I disagreed fundamentally with previous Presidents whom I have had the privilege of meeting, not least President Biden. I go on, and I did what I did because and for the people of Northern Ireland. I will outline to the Member very quickly some of the key reasons for the importance of that US investment. US investment in Northern Ireland last year was £1.5 billion, not just last year but over the course of the last decade. 32,000 employees in Northern Ireland are employed by US companies. Twenty-eight per cent of all Northern Ireland employment from international companies are US companies. There are over 50 Northern Ireland companies in the US. The US is the second-largest single export market for Northern Ireland. I will, as I have said, step up and speak up for Northern Ireland when others shy away from that. Regardless of personal views or how your feelings on that may be, it is important to Northern Ireland and to the UK, and I will be there to speak up for Northern Ireland and for Northern Ireland businesses. Deputy First Minister touched on the success of the Open in her initial response. It was great to see the promotion of the North Antrim coast that flowed from the Open during the summer. Will the Deputy First Minister give an indication of the projected economic impact of hosting the Open, and if there are any plans to host it again in the near future? Yes, absolutely. What an incredible success. The only thing that did not go to plan was that it was not a Rory win, but we have had a Rory McIlroy win just this weekend. I want to extend my sincere congratulations to him for that. It did not come through for the Open, but we have a win now. It was a huge success. It showcased our beautiful north coast. When speaking to people from all over the globe, they were blown away at the Open about how beautiful the scenery was, how fantastically organised the entire tournament was. There were 280,000 spectators attending, £213 million worth of benefit to Northern Ireland. Anybody who would have tried to book a hotel for that week up anywhere near the area would have known the huge benefit. It was also really positive to see how many of the restaurants and local shops were full. We learned from the last time that there had been feedback from some that the conditions around attending the Open did not facilitate the same benefit to the local economy. That was addressed, and it was addressed very successfully this time. It was a hugely successful Open, and it would be great to have the British Open back in Northern Ireland again. I fully agree that dialogue and engagement are really important, but I continue to be concerned that we have not yet seen the international relations strategy that would underpin all types of engagement on a world stage. I would appreciate an update on that. Thank you. I thank the Member for her question. She will know in her role in the Committee that international engagement as a policy area is a non-devolved area, but there is much that we can do, and we do do, across a number of different areas, particularly in relation to soft diplomacy, which is reaching out through our office in Brussels and in DC. Of course, those offices go well beyond just those physical locations, as she is well aware, but also particularly in relation to working with Invest NI and NI Tourism to make sure that those two elements are fully integrated within the key messages. I encourage Ministers to go out and tell our story. We must champion Northern Ireland at every turn, because if we are not doing it, then who will? We are here in these roles to be champions for Northern Ireland. We have a strong story to tell. Yes, we have challenges. Of course we have challenges. As we commence the new term, that must be something that we are really driving forward on in terms of delivery, but of course we have lots of good news to tell as well, and we really ought to do that and to champion that at every opportunity. Question No. 3. Thank you, Mr Speaker. With your permission, Junior Minister Cameron will answer this question. Minister Cameron. Thank you, Mr Speaker. We are very pleased that the inquiry and redress Bill passed its second stage before the summer recess. Ministers welcomed the opportunity to meet with the Committee Chair and Deputy Chair to discuss the Bill before it entered its Committee stage, and we thank the Committee for its work over the summer months. The Department has engaged with both victims and survivors and Committee officials in preparation for the Committee’s further evidence sessions, which are scheduled to begin this week. We acknowledge that this is a highly sensitive and complex piece of legislation, and it is important that people have the opportunity to provide further views through the Committee process. We are committed to working closely with others to deliver this important legislation, and there is of course an opportunity to shape it further as this work progresses through its legislative process. This remains a key priority for Ministers. I want to thank the Junior Minister for her response, but she will appreciate, I am sure, that many victims and survivors have expressed deep concern about the posthumous date for redress and other concerns with the draft Bill. Will the Junior Minister agree to work with the victims and survivors of the mother and baby institutions, Magdalene laundries and workhouses? I thank the Member for that very important question. We acknowledge that some victims and survivors were disappointed by the proposed 2011 posthumous date in the Bill. We are actively listening to their concerns, and we also welcome the Committee’s views. Posthumous claims for an admission-based scheme going back to 1922 do not have any precedence. It also presents a number of risks. We need to make sure that we have a deliverable scheme that supports as many people as possible. There are important factors to consider, not least the need to strike a balance between the desire to make reparations for the past and the pressures that are felt by public services today, which we are all acutely aware of, and tomorrow, such as issues around health and education. In terms of affordability, we wish in a perfect world that we would have unlimited resource, but we do not have that. We do not live in that perfect world, but we will, of course, listen and engage. We will watch as the legislation makes its way through its legislative processes. The aim is to strike a balance that is fair for everyone. Mr Dixon. Junior Minister, thank you for your response and for the way in which the Bill is currently progressing. Have your civil servants had an opportunity to reflect on the recent documentary on television setting out the situation in England with regard to mother and baby homes, the lack of an apology from the United Kingdom Government—we are at least a step ahead in that—and, specifically, what liaison will your Department have with authorities at Westminster to ensure that we get a both -islands approach to mother and baby homes? I thank the Member for that important question. I think the public inquiry itself will tease out some of those particular issues, but if the Member wishes to write to the Office, we will ensure that he receives a full response. Ms David-Lachlan. Thank you, Minister, for your answers so far. I am going to reiterate the posthumous claims and the arbitrary nature of them. Victims and survivors need to be listened to with respect and dignity. That currently cannot stand, because it is totally disrespectful for victims and survivors if that date still stands. I thank the Member for her important question. I must reiterate that we absolutely acknowledge some of the disappointment that has been expressed. There are others who are not so disappointed, but we understand that there are a range of views with this. We have to make sure that whatever we do going forward is fit for purpose and that it meets the needs of this legislation. We will continue to listen as we go forward to ensure that there is fairness for those victims and survivors. Thank you, Mr Speaker. Thank you, Mr Speaker. As part of our ongoing commitment to ensuring that our circumstances are understood and appropriately reflected in policy and strategic decision-making within the UK internal market, we continue to engage with the UK Government across a range of forums. These representations have been made at meetings with the Prime Minister, heads of devolved Government, the Inter-Ministerial Standing Committee, as well as the East-West Council, at which members of Inter -Trade UK were present, and many other engagements. They have also been made in the context of discussions on the Windsor framework and the UK-EU strategic partnership and the Inter-Ministerial Group on UK-EU relations. These engagements reflect our continued commitment to collaborative working with the UK Government, but also to raising these important issues. We will continue to proactively participate in all forums to advocate for Northern Ireland’s interests at every opportunity. Thank you. Does the Deputy First Minister agree that the Murphy review was a missed opportunity? Thank you, Mr Speaker. I thank the Member for his supplementary question. Absolutely, it was a missed opportunity. It was deeply disappointing, alas, perhaps not surprising. There are huge issues facing our businesses. I am dismayed, just to catch the end as I come into the Chamber, for my questions to hear these issues being dismissed in such terms once again. I think the final line before I stood up was somebody describing it—I do believe it was the Leader of the Opposition—as a nonsense debate. This is an incredibly important debate. Those people who decry so-called Trump tariffs and barriers with trade seem absolutely happy to accept all this unnecessary bureaucracy, paperwork and process that amounts to non-tariff barriers, not just between the UK and the EU but within the UK internal market. It is an absolute disgrace. It needs to be addressed. The UK Government needs to start taking it seriously. It is a huge cost to business. Business is drowning in the paperwork. The UK Government promised the people of Northern Ireland unfettered UK trade. They must deliver. The recent publication of the independent review of the Windsor framework notes that one of the most obvious benefits attributed to the Windsor framework is dual market access. Does the Deputy First Minister agree with me that now we need to see the implementation that both the British Government and the Executive continue to emphasise and publicise the commercial benefits of dual market access actions? At this stage, there is no evidence of any benefit of dual market access. We continue to tackle the huge bureaucracy in terms of internal UK trade. Of course, within the Office of First and Deputy First Minister there are different views on this issue, but I have asked for evidence of any benefit of dual market access. I have not received any evidence that there has been any benefit of that whatsoever. Instead, we have bureaucracy, paperwork and processes. All of that is completely unnecessary. The UK Government needs to step up, get this address and start working for business, not just on this issue but for the UK economy as a whole. I thank the Deputy First Minister very much. On 28 May, officials told the Executive Office Committee that regulatory divergence from GB was no longer an issue. Deputy First Minister, given the motion that your party colleagues have brought to the Chamber today, do you hold the same view as your official? What does it say about the desire of the Executive Office to address the issues that this remark was ever made in the first place? Thank you, Mr Speaker. Of course, as indicated, there will be a range of different views on this issue, but I would appeal to people to look at the facts, to listen to companies and to listen to what people are facing, to look at what the UK Government promise and what it is not fulfilling. There are real challenges for businesses. In terms of regulatory divergence, it is correct to say that at this stage there is very little regulatory divergence, but despite that, we are still unnecessarily checking things at the bequest of the Windsor framework, despite the promises that there was to be unfettered internal UK trade. That is not proportionate, it is not based on risk, it is completely unnecessary and it is pushing on to businesses the cost of all of this. If indeed the UK-EU deal comes through and there are, for example, SPS agreements, that removes any so-called advantages in terms of dual market access, but it would in a practical way smooth things further. However, it does not remove the challenges that remain in terms of customs paperwork or other processes that were promised to be got rid of. They are still in existence and the Government need to remove them now. They serve no purpose. It is completely unnecessary. Get rid of it. I thank the Deputy First Minister for her answer. Despite the commitments of the British Government, the Deputy First Minister has raised awareness and training for companies in GV supply in Northern Ireland. Many companies are now telling businesses here that they are not willing to supply to Northern Ireland because, in their opinion, it is just too much hassle. This is having a huge impact on the supply chain and we are seeing rising costs in the backlop. Surely that is unacceptable and the British Government clearly need to do more on this issue. Minister. Thank you. The Member is absolutely right. Some companies do not supply Northern Ireland because they do not understand the system. Some companies try to ask for various company numbers or look for processes that are not needed. I get it all of the time when people contact me. It takes a bit of time. You can navigate and you can get it resolved. However, there are still requirements. Certificates are required by certain people. I was contacted by a man, Roy, from Mid Ulster. He was trying to bring a tractor to Northern Ireland. He was requiring four certificates. He could not give the haulage company a specific date as to when he was to get that. Therefore, he missed that window. Those tractors were stuck in Scotland for four to six weeks, despite being paid in full and despite the fact that Northern Ireland is part of the United Kingdom. That is not acceptable. It is one of many different examples where, quite frankly, as I describe it, the blob has gone crazy. It is bureaucracy for bureaucracy’s sake. We need to tackle that. The biggest frustration people have about Governments, should it be here, across the United Kingdom or across the globe, is the fact that it is so difficult to get things sorted because of this unnecessary, disproportionate, non-risk-based nonsense that people are putting in place. They need to get rid of it. It does not serve any purpose. Get it sorted. Donna Egan. Number 5, please. Thank you, Mr Speaker. We know how important this memorial plaque is, which is why officials have engaged extensively with victims and survivors in recent months to ensure that they heard a wide range of opinions on the wording. Draft options were shared with representative groups, individuals not affiliated with any group, as well as COSACA, our commissioner, and the Victims and Survivors Service. A final draft has now been developed, reflecting the views shared during that engagement and is now under consideration. We remain committed to progressing this important inquiry recommendation and are keen to move forward as quickly as possible. Liz Egan. Thank you, Deputy First Minister. That is welcome progress. Could I have reassurances from you that the most recent draft has the full backing from groups of victims and survivors? Thank you. I thank the Member for her question. You will be aware that that is under consideration at the moment, because officials have undertaken quite a significant task of making sure that there is maximum buy-in and views taken in relation to the specific wording. While the wording will not reflect exactly what everybody wants, because that is simply not possible, we have undertaken that process to try to get the maximum buy-in as possible. Hopefully, we will be moving on that shortly. I want to take the opportunity to thank you, Mr Speaker, for your help and support. I know that you have been personally involved in working with many of the victims and survivors over a long period of time. I thank you for your co-operation with the Department and with us in trying to get this issue resolved. Liz Edelman. Thank you, Deputy First Minister, for your answer so far. On the back of the question that has just been asked, can you give us a guarantee that the wording on the plaque will be reflective of the experiences and of the input of victims and survivors, and can you give us some sense of what that engagement looked like exactly? Thank you. I thank the Member for her question. As indicated, that engagement was very much about communicating and talking to those within groups, but also to individuals and others that were known to us who were outside that group. There was extensive engagement with the Commissioner and the officials working to develop that as well. I am optimistic that the wording of that will reflect a consensus across victims and survivors. That was our aim, to try to get resolution to what has been an outstanding commitment to victims and survivors for too long. We are all on the same page of wanting this to be resolved as soon as possible, to make sure that victims and survivors can see what was promised to them reflected in this place, but also that we can move on to look at the other outstanding commitments from that overall inquiry. Moving on to topical questions. Deputy First Minister, the Executive is failing. That is not just the Opposition saying that. Independent think tanks like Pivotal are scathing about delivery. Among the areas where delivery is woeful is in special educational needs. Outside today, kids and their families are protesting for basic services, while today the Education Minister is not delivering that. He is issuing a page of peremptory guidance that will make other vulnerable kids feel anxious and nervous. Is this another example of your party and the Executive failing to deliver, but rather engaging in bullying and deflection? Thank you, Mr Speaker. I thank the Member for his question. This has been an Executive that is focused on delivery, regardless of the challenges. There are challenges in terms of the funding that is available. There are challenges within our system. We need to make sure that it is a system that can deliver for people and is fit for purpose. We have delivered, not least in terms of getting the programme for government out, around £80 million of funding to an early learning and childcare subsidy package and £25 million for early learning and childcare. We have published the framework to end violence against women and girls, including the delivery plan. Money is on the ground for people. As mentioned, just this week we had the release of some 50,000 additional appointments, right across inpatient, outpatient and diagnostic, within the health waiting list, and we are tackling that priority. There has been delivery. Perhaps we need to communicate it in a stronger way to make sure that people are aware of what has been delivered, but I am pleased that the Education Minister has published the SEN plan. There are over 3,000 additional places on SEN. I am pleased that, finally, today there is no child without a place. The key focus must move on to ensuring that those places are suitable places and that parents can get confirmation of those places at an earlier stage. That has taken a huge amount of work, because of the number of additional places required. It is a demonstration of the Executive in action. It was a big challenge. That challenge was tackled. Those places were created. It was not easy to do, but more needs to be done. The system needs to be improved, and I know that the Education Minister is up for that challenge. Mr O’Toole. More needs to be done is a remarkable understatement. The Minister did not specifically address the point about the cheap headlines that your party and the Education Minister are chasing around vulnerable kids and guidance in schools, but I want to ask one other specific question today, which is in relation to delivery. We have set six tests for you, and one of them is a very specific one. Will work be undertaken—will work have begun—on a rebuilt Casement Park by the end of this mandate? The Member has said a number of times on a number of issues already today, should it be from the Windsor framework right through to this important issue about safe spaces for biological females, that these issues are not important to dismiss them, to say that they are nonsense. This is absolutely wrong. If this place is going to work, you need to recognise that, while it may not be an important issue to you, it is an important issue to many other people. I have outlined that, across a wide range of issues, this is an Executive that is delivering, not just in terms of bringing forward the programme for government, but of course the transformation board and those transformation projects, looking at those budgets, looking into a three-year budget that is just coming down the line. We will do whatever we can to maximise the impact of what is a limited financial situation, and that has included action so far. That has included getting real money into parents’ pockets, should that be through the childcare subsidy, to creating those 3,000-plus additional SEN places, to ensuring that the ending violence against women and girls strategy has been published and there is funding out on the ground. Many things are happening that are improving people’s lives, and that includes the big issues, such as tackling health waiting lists. I know that the Member constantly goes back to casement while dismissing and demeaning everybody else for the particular issues that they question, but the reality is that on health, education, on trying to grow the economy and on championing Northern Ireland, it is the DUP Ministers who have stepped up to do that time and time again. This is an Executive across all parties that will be pushing as hard as possible to deliver for the people of Northern Ireland against our programme for government priorities. Sian Dodds. Thank you, Mr Speaker. Deputy First Minister, this summer we have endured the spectacle of the First Minister for all doubling down on her attendance at IRA memorials and her colleague, rather ironically, urging Sinn Féin to embrace the IRA more fully. Meanwhile, the Secretary of State has been running to Dublin and telling us that he has almost reached an agreement on legacy with the Dublin Government. Is it not time that we sought the views of the innocent victims of terrorism on what an agreement on legacy should look like, and for local politicians to condemn IRA terrorism? Thank you, Mr Speaker. I thank the Member for her important question. It is worth reiterating time and time again that terrorism was always wrong, violence was always wrong, there was never any justification and there was always an alternative. When I sit down and talk to victims’ families, many of whom are still grieving today, many of whom are feeling that loss, they see the loss of their loved ones being mocked, being laughed about, those who carried out those attacks being glorified. That is wrong. I disagree with glorification of terrorism. Should it be about the IRA, IRA prisoners, UVF, UDA? There is no space for it. It needs to go away. It is absolutely wrong. I believe that the police need to take a very robust line in tackling glorification of terrorism, but in the heart of everything that we do, we should always remember the victims—victims that are still mourning, no matter what side of the community they come from. Their loss is acute, and we must do more to talk about these issues in a sensitive way, to treat these issues in a sensitive way, but, of course, to step up and to listen and to deliver for the victims and survivors of the troubles. Ms Dodge. Thank you, Mr Speaker. Deputy First Minister, many of us are really angry at the Secretary of State running to Dublin for an agreement with Legacy, but actually not addressing the fact that Dublin has never admitted its role in IRA terrorism. It has actually not cooperated with the OMA inquiry, and there is no justice from the Dublin Government for families like those of Ian Sproul, Lord Justice Gibson and the Hannah family. Can you assure us that you will do everything that you can to make sure that the issue of Legacy addresses the core principle of justice? Absolutely. The Member is correct. The approach to Legacy must always have justice at the heart of it, but, of course, this process has been opaque at best. The Secretary of State will deign to tell us what he has decided to do after his extensive consultations with the Irish Government. This is an appalling way to approach this. Victims should have been at the heart of the redesign of this process. I do not get any sense that that has happened. I think that the Secretary of State has asked for views, he has taken them in, and we are yet to see what he, in all his judgment, will say. I notice that there has been a significant reshuffle of the UK Government. I have to say that thus far, quite frankly, it has been shambolic by this Labour Government. I think it is time for them to get their act together. Although I may not be optimistic, I am hopeful that a reshuffle is an opportunity for them to do so. Should it be from Legacy and many other issues, this is a UK Government that needs to get a grip. It needs to get a grip on our economy, it needs to get a grip on immigration, it needs to get a grip on tackling the internal barriers to the UK internal market, and it needs to get a grip on Legacy and start to talk to the people most impacted by it. Philip McGuigan. Over the summer months, we have witnessed sickening displays of racist and sectarian hatred displayed on bonfires in Magashal, Derry and elsewhere. Does the Deputy First Minister believe that these are legitimate expressions of culture, or will she join with me in unequivocally condemning these displays of hate and calling for those responsible to be held to account? I thank the Member for his question. Throughout the year, sadly, we see demonstrations that have aspects of them that are hateful, that are unkind, that are unpalatable and that are entirely unacceptable. This happens right throughout Northern Ireland from many different areas. First of all, we should recognise that it is a small minority of people. When we look at what happened over the course of the summer and last summer, it is a minority of people that carry these out. I believe that the vast majority of people are opposed to it, are opposed to hate, are opposed to any threat, violence or intimidation. He will be aware that we are currently looking at a review of Together, Build a United Community, T-BUC, our good relations strategy, and we have agreed to roll the FICT recommendations into that process as we move towards T-BUC2 to take into account some of these challenges. It is important to say that there is also absolutely no role for any paramilitary symbols, flags, activity, glorification or whatever that may be. It is hugely hurtful to victims on all sides when those things happen. In all our displays of cultural identity, we should be respectful, but we should also respect that as well. That does not happen, and we have seen the worst of that at times by a minority this summer. Mr McGuigan. Deputy First Minister, you mentioned T-BUC and executive strategies. In light of these incidents, as well as the serious health and environmental concerns and risks posed by bonfires, do you agree that the current unregulated approach is not working and that political action is needed to end this cycle of illegal, dangerous and hate-filled bonfires? Thank you, Mr Speaker. Again, it is important to point out that across Northern Ireland every year there are hundreds and hundreds of bonfires, the vast majority of which are carried out in an absolutely peaceful way as part of a community celebration. Of course, Northern Ireland is not unique to that. The culture of bonfire building as a form of commemoration and celebration is something that is common in many different places outside of Northern Ireland as well. There are a minority of cultural events and expressions, not just in relation to bonfires but across many different types of expression, that do cause offence. Those are key issues for us to tackle in moving forward with the review. They are not easy issues to tackle. I reassure everybody listening to always remember that this is a small minority that we need to take on, but the vast majority of these are cultural celebrations and commemorations carried out in an appropriate way. I ask the Deputy First Minister for her assessment of the Equality Commission’s response to the UK Supreme Court decision for Women Scotland and the Scottish Ministers. I thank the Member for her important and very relevant question. At the heart of all this must be a fundamental principle, which is that there should be safe spaces for biological females. That is at the heart of the court case. That is indeed what the court had ruled, that gender is based on biological sex. Again, I was very disappointed in the Equality Commission’s advice, but alas, I was not surprised. I think that it represents a huge overreach in relation to a possible interpretation of article 2 in its particular opinion. I think that it should have stepped forward and stood up to protect safe spaces for women. I welcome the fact that the Education Minister has done that. Indeed, moving forward, other Departments must look at this to make sure that we continue to do everything we can to protect those in vulnerable spaces. I thank the Deputy First Minister for her answer. Does she unequivocally agree that this continues to leave women feeling vulnerable in places where they should be feeling safe, such as single-sex changing rooms and toilets, and that any ongoing uncertainty caused by this delay by the Equality Commission is deeply frustrating, given the recognition of the common-sense reality provided in that judgment? I thank the Member again for her supplementary question. This is a matter of common sense. Women need safe spaces. Women deserve safe spaces. Many women are demanding safe spaces, because that is what the law is there and designed to do. Indeed, the Equality Commission had an opportunity to clarify and give that certainty, but it has not done so. We could end up being the only part of the United Kingdom without that clarity and certainty. The argument that the Equality Commission is making about no diminution of rights relates to the diminution of my rights as a woman and the rights of women across Northern Ireland. We did not consent to having those rights damaged, dismissed or demeaned in the way that they have been thus far. It is time for common sense and the Equality Commission to give clear advice and ensure that it provides legal juries with a safe space and a fair platform for our young girls.