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🚩 In the spring of 1455, England stood on a knife’s edge. After years of political infighting, mistrust, and royal instability, the kingdom braced itself for open conflict between two of its most powerful noble factions. What had begun as court intrigue and whispered conspiracy was now poised to erupt into war.
At the heart of the storm stood the fragile figure of King Henry VI, a monarch whose bouts of mental illness and indecisive rule had left a dangerous power vacuum. Into that vacuum stepped Richard, Duke of York, a prince of royal blood with a claim to the throne and growing support among the realm’s discontented nobles.
At St Albans, a decisive blow could shift the balance of power in the realm and set the precedent for noble rebellion or royal repression. Across England, nobles watched, cities held their breath, and common folk whispered that civil war had finally come.
📢 Narrated by David McCallion
🎼 Music:
EpidemicSound
Filmstro
📚 Sources:
St Albans 1455: The Anatomy of a Battle – Andrew Boardman (2024)
The First Battle of St. Albans – Andrew Boardman (2006)
‘Politics and the Battle of St Albans 1455’ – C.A.J. Armstrong (1960)
The Battles of St Albans – Peter Burley, Michael Elliott and Harvey Watson (2007)
Philip A. Haigh – The Military Campaigns of the Wars of the Roses
Terence Wise and Gerry Embleton – The Wars of the Roses
#history #documentary #medieval
It is early spring, 1452, and just as
chill winds blow across the sceptered fields and the first shoots of the year’s
growth, so too do the spirits of men feel a cold unease when they cast their eye
on the state of the kingdom of England. Revolt and uprising, murder and assassination
have riven the reign of Henry VI, who has sat on the thrones in both London and Paris, but so
far has produced no heir to continue his line. With the war in France disintegrating into
horrific failure and the loss of vast territories, Henry has seemingly compounded what would
already be a disastrous situation by repeating the failures of his predecessors and allowed his
court and policies to be run by favorites, rather than the men who would presume to lead by merit.
To the wise men around him who know their history, they remember the fates that befell
Henry’s ancestors, Edward and Richard, both of them the second of their name.
Installing the men they loved to rule over those most capable, both Edward II and Richard
II sealed their own fate – their crowns and thrones taken from under by the strong men who
would make good times – and both of them dying in captivity in likely violent circumstances.
Now, on the field between Blackheath and Dartford, Henry VI faces the forces of Richard, the Third
Duke of York – his own kinsman and likely the most powerful man in England after the king.
York, it seems, is willing to use force to have his way, and he will have himself
named heir to the throne and clear the court of inept favorites or else bring
hellfire down on any who oppose him. York’s forces in Deptford appear formidable
to all of the scouts from the royal camp who ride forth to review his company
in these freezing February days. His numbers are described to the king
and his retainers as several thousands, and these companies have deployed cannon
along with archers, blades, and small arms. In addition to this array, Norfolk’s
contingent also includes a naval component, for he has no fewer than seven supply ships
parked on the banks of the Thames. This gives the impression that he is not only preparing
for battle, but ready for an entire campaign. The royal party, however, when the two
sides meet for the first time on March 1st, has its own show of power. The King and
his Royal Standard are symbolic enough, but Henry’s host actually outnumbers that of York.
At the same time, the monarch has brought the Dukes of Exeter, Buckingham, Somerset, and Norfolk
– all four men equal in rank to York with no one above them in official station but the king.
Along with these most powerful magnates, Henry is sided by the Earl of Devon
and Lord Cobham, a veritable conclave of the nation’s bishops, and more than
fifteen other major nobles of the realm. It is an awesome display of royal power.
York had hoped that Norfolk in particular was on his side, but he now sees that he is
completely isolated and without allies. When Henry’s heralds invite him forth
to put his case in the royal presence, he has little choice but to comply.
Henry hears York’s grievances. The Duke is chiefly angered by the actions of
Edmund Beauford, the Duke of Somerset, who as Henry’s foremost representative in France
has overseen the loss of Maine and Normandy. York also alleges that Somerset is plotting to
hand the port of Calais to the Duke of Burgundy and also that he misappropriated royal
funds during the abandonment of Maine. Somerset is inevitably outraged at these
accusations of theft, treason, and cowardice, and he and York’s relationship takes on a mortal edge.
There is no return to cordiality possible now. For his part, Henry is unmoved
by York’s fury, but he acts in a more decisive manner than his forebear.
He invites York to come with him to London – an offer the duke is in no position to refuse – with
the promise that he will listen and perhaps even grant the nobleman’s requests. So the word goes
around York’s army, which is quickly dispersed. A fortnight later, Somerset is still
in position, and York is marched into the auspices of St. Paul’s Cathedral where
he swears his loyalty to the king and vows on the Bible and Cross that he will never use
intimidation or violence against the sovereign. It seems that the matter is at a close; a page
can be turned. If York and his supporters feel that they have been gulled, there is little
they can do about it, given their isolated status and York’s own sacred pronouncements.
Henry begins touring the countryside with an unforeseen energy, making himself visible to
the populace and judging disputes from Wales to the kingdom’s eastern shore. Even better,
the royal army in France under the Earl of Shrewsbury recaptures Bordeaux, and it seems
that the tide of the war on the continent is turning once more in the island nation’s favor.
Best of all, a year on from the confrontation at Deptford, it is announced that Margaret
of Anjou, the French wife of King Henry, is pregnant with their first child.
After years of upheaval, the people of England may be able to breathe a sigh of relief
and step back from the precipice of civil war. But there are still flickering embers of turmoil
beneath the tamped down cloth of peace. Even after York’s neutering, unrest and
even armed uprisings against the crown authorities or unpopular nobles has continued
in many locales. “Suffolk, Kent, Warwickshire, Lincolnshire, and Norfolk” all see fighting, and
Warwickshire in particular has a hot reception for its new Earl, Richard Neville.
Meanwhile, his relatives in Yorkshire are involved in an ever increasing
rivalry with the Percy family, who are livid at the upstart clan maneuvering
into what has been their traditional domain. Both families have enough wealth and power
to fuel a significant conflict if push comes to shove. Similarly, the Courtney and Bonville
families are also vying for power in the kingdom’s west country, and it appears that England’s
ruling class is not just fraying at its edges, but in the process of positively unraveling.
A strong king with an able sense of justice and fair play would keep these quarrels
from descending to the stage of vendetta and bloodletting, but Henry VI is not Henry V.
With the war in France going well and the dynasty assured at the imminent arrival of an heir, the
pot can just about be halted from boiling over, but then come the events of July 17th, 1453.
Talbot and the English army are utterly annihilated by the French cannon at Castillon,
and those that are not reduced to gore and viscera amidst the shattered and dismembered limbs on
the field are taken prisoner in the aftermath. Perhaps 10,000 fighting men of the English
army are lost and the operational capacity of the London government in mainland
Europe effectively ceases to exist. Bordeaux is lost once more, as is
the ancient English fief of Gascony, as well as all other continental possessions with
the exception of Calais and the Channel Islands. It is a catastrophe for the English crown, every
bit comparable to the collapse of English holdings two and a half centuries earlier under King John.
The gloom is compounded when Henry has a complete breakdown later that August at his
hunting lodge in Clarendon, Surrey. Courtiers, advisors, guards, and his pregnant wife
look on in horror as the king is struck completely immobile, seemingly unable to speak, move, or
communicate with those around him in any way. To the continued terror of his family
and government, Henry remains in this catatonic state not just for hours or days, but
months, even past the birth of his royal heir, the Prince Edward, that October.
The situation in England and its miniscule remaining French holdings demands that
some arrangement is needed to appoint a ruler or regent, take the running of law and order in
hand and bring stability to what is swiftly becoming a new dissolution– havoc and lawlessness
that is the nightmare of good men everywhere. In that same month when Henry slips from the
world of acuity, Thomas Neville, son of Richard, the Earl of Warwick, marries Maud Stanhope.
Maud’s former husband the 6th Baron Willoughby is recently dead, leaving her a very
substantial fortune. Better still from the Neville’s point of view, she also stands
to inherit half of the fortune of Ralph, the 3rd Baron Cromwell, former treasurer
and one of the richest men in the realm. Cromwell has his own disputes over land and
offices, and he lives in fear of kidnap or assassination. An alliance with the
daunting Nevilles and the pooling of their resources suits both sides.
The marriage further antagonizes the Percy family, for Cromwell holds castles and
properties they believe to be rightly theirs, and the prospect of these Percy lands passing into
Neville hands is seen as an abhorrent insult. Thomas and Maud are duly married at Cromwell’s
seat in Tattershall and begin a return journey to the Neville base in York when their procession
is attacked and ambushed by a force of 5,000 men led by Thomas Percy, Lord Egremont.
Though it is a wedding procession, Neville, his relatives, and friends are
armed and there is a vicious fight. Both bride and groom survive and reach a
place of safety, but such a profane and vile act as an attack on a wedding demands
restitution, and the enraged Nevilles intend to take such recompense by their own hands.
Across Yorkshire, Cumbria, and Northumberland, open warfare breaks out between the clans,
disrupting crown revenues and leaving the border with Scotland that families like
the Nevilles, Percys, and the Duke of York have long protected open to attack.
Even the promise of the growing Prince Edward does not change matters. When presented to
his father the king, Henry makes no response, looking at the infant with empty eyes and
then returning his gaze to the floor. Some proper arrangement needs to be made, but
the Somerset regime has lost all legitimacy and authority after the debacle in France, and
in late October, the great council of nobles and prelates called at Westminster asks
the Duke of York to join their number. York – who still believes his claim to be
the true heir to the throne through his descent from two sons of Edward III stronger
than Henry or the newborn Edward – reaches London toward the middle of November and
immediately forces the arrest of Somerset. Seeing themselves with no other choice given
the state of the kingdom, his fellow lords and the churchmen acquiesce, and Somerset is
locked in the Tower of London to await trial. Margaret of Anjou attempts to introduce
legislation in the first month of the new year to make herself regent,
but England’s elite do not believe that putting a foreign born woman in charge of
national affairs will alleviate the crisis. Although they do pronounce Edward as Prince
of Wales, in the closing days of March, 1454, Richard Duke of York is
named Protector of the Realm. His status alleviated after its near destruction
at Deptford, York is thus supreme. He spends the remainder of the year consolidating both his
power base as well as the situation in England. There follows a period of calm in the kingdom and
once more men can afford to think of the future rather than the imminent survival of the nation.
As Richard returns to his northern home at the end of the year to celebrate Yuletide and the
coming festive season, he too can look forward in satisfaction toward the years to come, when he
has no doubt he will acquire the throne itself. But then…
like a dirty block of coal placed in York’s stocking as a bad joke, Henry VI rises from bed
on Christmas morning and asks those in attendance what day it is and where he can find his wife.
York could not have received a worse present in his wildest imagination.
To those around Henry, they watch in wonder as he seems to pick up immediately where he left off
more than a year before, acting in a completely normal and rational manner and busily attending
to his duties as a royal head of state. The King seems to have no memory of
the preceding year and greets his son with joy for the first time.
It is an utter disaster for York. A month on from Henry’s awakening, Somerset
is released and reinstated to his previous status. Margaret of Anjou’s steely personality
works to have him put back in favor and against the man that took the regency from her.
York is removed from his role as Protector by the second week of February. By
the end of the first week of March, the charges against Somerset of treason for
the French losses are dismissed and he is a free man. York is also dismissed from his command
of Calais, and Somerset is put into his place. To further compound the Yorkist
losses, Richard Neville, the Earl of Salisbury – father of the Earl of Warwick
– is forced to step down as Chancellor. York – completely undone by Henry’s return and
in consternation that the men he thinks of as his friends have been removed from office
– withdraws from London with the Nevilles, and they ride back to their northern heartlands.
London is popularly behind York, but the city is not safe for him with Somerset and the Queen
in power, and so he and the Nevilles decide that there is little option left for them
but to prepare to fight for their rights. With no intention of being outnumbered
again, York sends messengers across his domains from Wales to Northumberland.
In April, their fears seem to be realized. At a conference in London, Somerset leads a gathering
of the royal administration to which neither York, Warwick, nor Salsbury receive invitations.
It is announced in the wake of this Westminster meeting that a Great Council will take
place the following month at Leicester. It is made clear that York and Warwick
are expected to appear at this assembly, which will “provide for the King’s
safety against his enemies…” The northern lords are accordingly offended by
this wording and threatened in the extreme. York remembers the fate of the Humphrey
of Lancaster, the Duke of Gloucester, who had answered an identical summons to a
convocation at Bury St. Edmunds seven years earlier. Arrested on arrival, Gloucester – the
uncle of Henry VI – had died while imprisoned. Avoiding such an end is York’s primary goal,
and he turns his home of Sandal Castle into a fortress with an army of his retainers camped
outside. Already at war with the Percys, Warwick and Salisbury do the same at their
seats of Warwick Castle and Middleham. Word of this mustering reaches
London, but Somerset does not act nearly as decisively as his enemies.
Messengers are sent to the northern lords to stand down their armies, while other missives
are delivered to the King’s supporters along the route from London to Leicester.
Departing from London on the 20th May with the king, Somerset tells his allies that
they are to convene at the town of St Albans, mid-way between the capital and the
eventual destination of Leicester. Fast riders are dispatched to the strongholds
of York, Warwick, and Salisbury, telling each one to send their newly raised forces home and
attend to the king with only a small personal guard of 160 men each for Warwick and Salisbury,
but 200 for York to allow for his higher rank. When the messengers find the recipients,
however, they are no longer in their castles. York and the others have already marched south
with an even greater speed than Somerset and the King could anticipate, and they and an
army numbering in the thousands are dotted around the village of Royston, just a few hours
away from the king’s imminent destination. York and his allies prepare and send
a reply to Henry – professing their loyalty to him personally and his sacred role
as king, yet also pointedly refusing to stand down their assembled host – but they address
the message to the Archbishop of Canterbury, in his role as Henry’s chancellor, in London.
The Archbishop sends a messenger with the letter to the royal party, but for reasons unknown
it appears to never reach Henry. York will later say that Somerset conspired to
keep his pledge from the monarch. Thus Henry and his party do not receive York’s
reply. When the royal party stay the night in Watford – nine miles south of St Albans –
on the 21st May, they are unaware that York has reached the town of Ware, roughly the same
distance north of St Albans on the far side. York attempts to send another letter with
a similar profession of loyalty to Henry in the early hours of the morning, but
this also does not reach the King. A rude awakening comes the next morning when
Henry and Somerset make to begin their progress, and messengers hurtle past their advance
guards to bring news that York and his allies are approaching the fields and laneways north of
St Albans with a force of close to 10,000 men. There is no doubt, the riders say, that
this time the king is outnumbered. Henry and his party are not prepared for this
development. They have sent orders for the raising of forces to towns around the countryside
like Coventry, 70 miles northwest of St Albans, but there has not been time for these forces to
organize and march. In all, Henry and Somerset have about 2,000 men in their column.
Similarly, York is awaiting his ally the Duke of Norfolk, but for the
moment he holds the advantage. When King Henry nears St Albans, he does
hold the larger number of the nobles in his retinue. Among them are the ever present
Somerset and his son the Earl of Dorset. The Earls of Pembroke, Devon, and
Wiltshire also ride with the royal party, as well as the Duke of Buckingham and
his own son, the Earl of Stafford. Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, and
sworn enemy of York allies the Nevilles is also in the king’s train, but so too
is William Neville, the Lord Fauconburg, who is the brother of York’s staunch ally,
Salisbury, and uncle to the Earl of Warwick. This mixed party would indicate to York that the
king still intends some kind of reproachment, but Queen Margaret and almost the
entire clergy are not traveling with the king as is their usual custom.
Certainly, Henry and Somerset in particular are expecting violence to be a possibility.
At a hurried roadside conference, Somerset recommends that the King has his men dig in at
a defensible spot and fortify the area. With a secure position, they can await the thousands
of loyal bannermen that are on their way to aid his cause in the coming hours and days.
Fauconburg and Buckingham, on the other hand, advise Henry to ride on to St Albans,
negotiate with York as he has done before, and bring this upsetting matter to a conclusion
in peace rather than irreversible violence. Despite Somerset’s objection that
St Albans is not a walled town and the king will be powerless to enforce his
rule should York decide to use violence, Henry negates his counsel and gives Somerset’s
office of Constable of England to Buckingham. And in this mood, the royal
party enters St Albans. Henry might have made it clear that he
wished for discussion rather than fighting, but his forces quickly set about
establishing a perimeter and fortifying the routes into the town from the north.
They quickly ascertain that though the town does not have a wall, it is surrounded
by a drainage ditch – known locally as the Tonman – that can quickly substitute for a
defensive work, especially given that the earth on the town side of the trench is raised and in most
parts is topped with either a hedge or fence. While Henry establishes himself in
St Andrews Chapel on the north west corner of St Alban’s Abbey, and his
ranks take their places in Moot Hall, his men on the town edge block the three roads of
Cock Lane, Shropshire Lane, and Sopwell Lane. Heavy timber lengths – known as bars – seem
to have been on hand to help with this task and the King’s men are glad of the convenience.
It is not long before York and his party arrive and take up position in the space known as Key
Field, coming off the Hatfield Road before it merges into Cock Lane and likely marching
alongside the Tonman Ditch for a time. Rather than the near 10,000 that had been mooted
as his army’s number earlier in the morning, the Duke’s force is probably closer to
3,000, but he still has a clear leverage. When the Yorkists set down in the Key
Field, they are well within shooting range of both longbow and even crossbow.
Although there has been no fighting between the two armies – with the exception of
the clan warfare between the Nevilles and Percys – senior men in both camps are
veterans of the wars in France, as well as fighting along the Scottish borderlands.
York’s army possesses a contingent of 600 archers from the northern marches, commanded by
Sir Robert Ogle – men who possess the ability to shower the entire town with a hailstorm
of razor sharp bolts if the situation warrants a stiff demonstration of resolve.
From Holywell Hill, on which the town sits, the men manning Henry’s improvised
rampart can spot two boys – verging on manhood – who are sporting at play fighting
with one another amidst the Yorkist ranks. These are Edward and Edmund, sons of the
Duke Richard. Even from the distance, Henry’s men note the auspicious height at which
Edward stands, resplendent in his new armor. The heralds go back and forth between the Yorkist
camp and the royal party. York’s man Mowbray gives the king the assurance that his master is not
there to harm or threaten the monarch, merely to see to it that Somerset – the man who lost France
and stole the king’s monies for himself – is arrested and put where he will do no more harm.
King Henry, for his part, will have no discussions with York while he is in arms with a
force that appears to threaten his person, and Mowbray attempts to assure the king that
the men York and the Nevilles have brought to the field are there to protect and support
him against the enemies within his court. Buckingham makes it plain in his
messages outside that he is there as an honest broker – a man of the king also –
and takes no part with Somerset against York. Mowbray travels back and forth twice with these
messages, but neither York nor the king will move from their respective standpoints. York demands
“him that deserves death” – meaning Somerset – and Henry, possibly overruling the more cautious
Buckingham, states boldly that any man who does not “void the field” and continues to offer
resistance will be “hung, drawn, and quartered.” York and the Nevilles have now the choice
between surrender and likely imprisonment and death from a restored and vengeful
Somerset and his allies, or else attempt to use the force at their disposal to seize him for
themselves and take matters into hand like men. Their urgency is compounded by the raising
of the royal standard which declares that the king intends to use violence against
any one present that opposes his orders. Not only that, but anyone still in
opposition would be designated a traitor to the crown and they and their
heirs would lose all inheritances. When Mowbray returns a third time to the Yorkist
camp, still no further along in his negotiations, he finds the knights, men-at-arms, and infantrymen
donning armor and mail and moving forth. York himself leads a force to Shropshire Lane,
while Salisbury takes a company to Sopwell, both of which run parallel to one another.
Warwick, meanwhile, commands a reserve force slightly to the rear of these two parties,
with Robert Ogle and the northern marchers alongside his mounted fighters.
York and Salisbury attempt to push through the lanes to get to the King and
Somerset’s position, but the narrowness of the passages confines their numbers and
renders any attempt at archery ineffective. It’s likely too that most of the men –
particularly on the Yorkist side – are hesitant to mortally attack or fire
on men in the company of the king. In any case, no headway is made
toward the center of the town. The bars hold and York is increasingly agitated
at the failure to move past the defenders. Increasingly forceful attempts to bludgeon
past the bulwarks meet the same result. York and Salisbury must feel that the
ground is sinking away beneath their horses’ hooves and their armor runs with sweat.
Two village laneways are the difference between salvation and a life that leads only to
gallows or the executioner’s block. On the other side, Henry, Somerset, and all
of their company had been stunned at the onset of the attack, and many of them
were without armor or even taking mid morning food and drinks at St Alban’s taverns.
Now, they are preparing themselves for battle and rushing forth to reinforce the men in the lanes.
York can see these additions sprinting forward and he despairs that his numerical advantage
has come to naught in the tiny alleys. But behind him, Warwick has seen the opening.
Rather than rushing his numbers behind York or his father Salisbury to add to the press, he sends
Ogle forward with the archers and opens up with a volley on the now lightly defended Tonman Ditch.
Those men standing guard on the makeshift rampart duck out of the path of 600 onrushing
and lethal missiles and then stay down when the same number cuts through the air
around them less than 10 seconds later. Warwick gives a shout and his knights
and men-at-arms charge ahead – jumping the trench and earthen rampart as though they
are at the hunt – and then crashing into the gardens and plots that lie behind.
Once they are through, there is no getting them out, and Yorkist horsemen and
infantry begin to stream in after them. Warwick leads his crew past the houses and up to
Holywell Hill and St Peter’s Street. Once there, emerging between the Key and Chequers Inns,
they fan out in both directions and rain down blows and hacking slashes with sword and
lance on the unsuspecting Lancastrians. The royal party and Somerset are overwhelmed
by this sudden appearance. Henry’s household guard form up and attempt to defend the king
at the southern end of St. Peter’s Street, which is wide enough that it is used as a
livestock market. This suits the attackers, for they are ever growing in numbers.
Those men defending the lanes for the king have realized that they are in
danger of being surrounded and begin to fall back. York and Salsbury rush
forward with all of the frustration of their futile attacks venting itself on
the hapless and unfortunate escapees. Somerset and a small number of retainers attempt
to barricade themselves in the Castle Inn, in a side street off the main square.
But the king is a much more visible target. Warwick’s archers and the men hurtling in from the
lanes fire volleys of arrows at his exposed guard, and they quickly blanch under the onslaught.
Henry himself is struck around the shoulder and taken to a cottage where York’s men find
him and put him under the Duke’s protection. Henry’s upset and agitation is hardly helped
by the fact that the owner of the cottage is a tanner, or maker of leather – a trade that
involves the retention and stripping of animal hides and soaking them in a urine solution.
The delicate monarch is far from his usual and accustomed surroundings.
Outside, the royal standard that had flown in glory on the field of Agincourt
is left lying in the gutter by Henry’s dead and departing bodyguard.
With the king safely in custody, York moves to find Somerset, which he
does, and the Castle Inn is surrounded. Seeing that the end is at hand, Somerset
rushes from the front door and kills four of York’s men before he is finally
brought down and dies on the street. Through the now electric atmosphere on the main
street – men walk around unsteadily as though they have only just watched a hurricane blow through
– King Henry is quickly transported to the Abbey, his jailors weaving their way through the
strewn corpses and over blood soaked cobbles. Henry Percy, Early of Northumberland is
found amongst the dead – a satisfying revenge slaying for the Nevilles.
In spite of the fact that thousands took part in the fighting, the chroniclers
are unanimous that fewer than 200 died on both sides in what would eventually become
known as the 1st Battle of St. Albans. For the moment, Englishmen are still reluctant to
kill their own brethren, but that morality will erode as the bloodshed drags on over
months, years, and eventually decades. With York’s capture of Henry and the killing of
Somerset, there is no doubt among any of the men standing under St. Alban’s churches and taverns on
this sunny summer’s day that a new line has been crossed, but there are surely none who can predict
that the fighting will only end with the death of York’s youngest child, Richard – a boy born not
three winters’ previous – in 30 years’ time. For the moment, the advantage lies
with York, but even he knows that this single action will not and can not
prevent the spilling of yet more blood, and his fate is a hazy picture of
uncertainty and inevitable violence. From the tremors of St. Albans’
streets, England has begun to quake…
33 Comments
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🚩 In the spring of 1455, England stood on a knife’s edge. After years of political infighting, mistrust, and royal instability, the kingdom braced itself for open conflict between two of its most powerful noble factions. What had begun as court intrigue and whispered conspiracy was now poised to erupt into war.
At the heart of the storm stood the fragile figure of King Henry VI, a monarch whose bouts of mental illness and indecisive rule had left a dangerous power vacuum. Into that vacuum stepped Richard, Duke of York, a prince of royal blood with a claim to the throne and growing support among the realm’s discontented nobles.
At St Albans, a decisive blow could shift the balance of power in the realm and set the precedent for noble rebellion or royal repression. Across England, nobles watched, cities held their breath, and common folk whispered that civil war had finally come.
Thank you. This is great to view! i lived in St. Albans in 1971-'72. A splendid place! The history was prized by the locals of all ages.
Excellent.
Henry 5 is spinning in his grave 😢
Could you name the music track used for 26:20? I like the ambience
Thank you. Such a great channel for content.
Thank you
Please make video about islamic battle
Cock lane 😂
"Look, I'll say this to anybody who'll listen: Urban warfare will never catch on! There's no place to put the horses, d'ye ken?"
Great video!
I worry about England
For the algorithm
King Henry sounds he was drugged by his wife's supporters and when all nearly lost, they stopped and he came back.
the battle was adapted so imaginatively, i like this
So this is where Elizabeth Woodville's father dies, as a Lancastrian.
this is a good episode but i don't like the use of AI this channel has been making lately. especially in this video
After Rome England is Meh
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What you think about Croatian King Petar IV Kresimir great?
I'm psyched on a series on war of the roses
Keep up the great work love this channel so informative
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A momentous day! Great video, I can't wait for the next installment! 👑⚔🔥🏹
Stop that ai shit ffs
Best narrator on Youtube.
They are fighting outside my house 🏠 go away we want no trouble here 😂
Never knew about the mini civil war between the Perceys and the other family. This really was like game of thrones
Good one. Thanks
What a gripping breakdown of the First Battle of St. Albans! The way York and the Nevilles outmaneuvered Somerset, with Warwick’s bold charge through the Tonman Ditch, really shows how personal grudges and political chaos sparked the Wars of the Roses. Henry VI’s breakdown and the fallout from France set such a tense stage. Awesome video for shedding light on this turning point!
Great Quebec continues to suck up all the equalization payments like to have been the last 50 years the more Quebec economy drags the more demands from the rest of the country because you know they’re a special nation apparently that Canada as a nation has a subsidize because they’re a shooting nation that can’t pay for its own services. What a shit nation.
Average pillager raid in a average village from the plains
The start of the Wars of the Roses was so brutal and chaotic, it’s incredible how one battle changed the course of English history forever.