Plongez au cœur de 1968, une année où l’Europe tout entière vacille sous la révolte étudiante et ouvrière. À travers six destins engagés, ce documentaire dévoile les luttes oubliées qui ont façonné notre présent. 👋 + de documentaires histoire 👉 http://bit.ly/3lqyFpY 🙏 Abonnez vous !
00:00 Introduction
01:47 Contestation étudiante à Berlin et Paris
06:56 Révoltes en Italie et débats anti-autoritaires
13:21 Allemagne : Héritage nazi et radicalisation
17:00 Le monde ouvrier français en ébullition
21:23 Berlin : Violence et tournant radical
25:02 Le Printemps de Prague : Un autre vent de liberté
32:27 Mai 68 à Paris : L’explosion
46:20 L’Automne chaud italien et la dimension internationale
52:40 L’écrasement du Printemps de Prague
56:08 L’après-Mai : Les “établis” maoïstes et la vie en usine
01:03:58 Dissidence et répression en Tchécoslovaquie
01:10:13 L’émergence du féminisme post-68
01:16:50 Prison et désillusion militante en France
01:25:28 Les années de plomb : Terrorisme et crise de la gauche
01:33:06 Nouveaux horizons : Écologie et Charte 77
01:38:32 La Révolution de velours et la fin d’une époque
01:41:41 Réflexions sur un héritage complexe
1968 dans sa dimension européenne. Six parcours de vie qui témoignent de l’incandescence des “années 68”, mais aussi de leur devenir et de leur héritage.
68, année zéro retrace les parcours de six Européens : une lycéenne turinoise devenue militante à Lotta Continua et féministe ; un étudiant parisien maoïste “établi” aux usines Peugeot ; un ouvrier de Peugeot acteur de la grève d’occupation de mai-juin 68 et militant syndical ; une jeune Allemande immergée dans la contestation étudiante qui s’engagera dans le combat féministe et écologiste ; un couple tchécoslovaque qui, après avoir vécu le Printemps de Prague, s’élèvera contre l’invasion soviétique et le régime de “normalisation” au prix d’années d’emprisonnement… Six parcours de vie qui témoignent de l’incandescence des “années 68”, mais aussi de leur devenir et de leur héritage.
Découvrez notre playlist dédiée à l’histoire de l’Europe 👉 https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLqKSNbk66i9mLHjt9iPgDhWaHawk0waLj&si=y-GiE3pNa8hmQq2_
Ce documentaire a été réalisé à des fins pédagogiques et peut contenir des images qui peuvent heurter la sensibilité de certaines personnes. Si vous êtes une personne sensible, le visionnage de ce documentaire vous est déconseillé.
“68 Année Zéro”
Réalisation : Ruth Zylberman
© ARTE France, ZADIG PRODUCTIONS – 2008
#NotreHistoire #1968 #Mai68 #RévolteEtudiante #HistoireEurope #PrintempsDePrague #Documentaire #Histoire #histoirecontemporaine #révolte #greve
In the indistinct crowds, who are they, these faces crossed by history? The great story, that of demonstrations, struggles, great hopes and glorious leaders, and the other. That of the days that always follow one another, that of the collective rumor
that irrigates a life, a destiny. Having done 68 in Turin, Paris, Prague, Berlin or Sochaux. What did you do? Being made of 68, is being made of what? Berlin, 1965. West Germany is still stuck in the world of reconstruction and the post-war period. In the city that symbolized the Cold War, the voices of student revolt are rumbling. Challenges to authority within
the university, mobilization against the Vietnam War
and against American imperialism, people are rising up. There is debate at rallies and sites run by the radical
student movement, the SDS, and its leader Rudi Dutschke. It is in this atmosphere that
a young 20-year-old provincial woman arrives in Berlin. She was raised in a family of pastors who had belonged
to the anti-Nazi opposition; Her name is Eva Kuistore. In the summer of 1965, I arrived for the first time on the campus of the Free University of Berlin to enroll. And that’s how I got involved in one of the first in-sites that took place in the university courtyard. At the time, there were small signs along the edge of the university lawns
that said no trespassing. It must seem bizarre and ridiculous today, but at the time, it was
like crossing the Rubicon. I remember that feeling of lifting my
foot and stepping it over that little sign, and then stepping
the other foot over it and sitting on the grass. It was a small cultural revolution for us. I hadn’t decided to get politically involved or become
a protester. I arrived in this atmosphere and followed him. And then there were the first leaflets. I read them avidly and little by little I discovered what
the Vietnam War was all about. I reacted immediately. These were not only protests
against the US war in Vietnam,
but also against the German government’s support
for the war. And these protests were marked by virulence, suspicion
and a whole historical context. For us, Germany should never again
support a war. And especially not a completely false war. Paris, 1967. Yves Cohen is sixteen years old. He studied at the Lycée Louis le Grand, in the heart of a Latin Quarter entirely
agitated by revolutionary rhetoric. Whether one is a Guevarist, a Trotskyist, or a follower of the
Chinese Cultural Revolution and Mao Zedong, it is above all a question of breaking with the order of the elders, the Gaullist order, of course, but also that of the Communist Party. My parents are communists, my whole family is communist, and I’m the only one who’s not into anything. And at that point, I was actually looking for something. When I read Bakunin, I was an anarchist, or when I read My
Life as a Trotskyist, I was a Trotskyist. Well, that’s how it was while sailing. One of the things that made me switch to the Maoist side was, for example, seeing
the high school students from Louis le Grand, the militant high school students from Legrand, fighting
with the fascists at the gate. And I said to myself, well,
they’re both incredible intellectuals. So I already had an admiration for these young intellectuals and they are capable
of packing a punch at the same time. Another aspect that
really convinced me was discovering Mao Zedong’s thought
and for example this sentence that convinced me in an instant:
Power is at the end of the gun. This is an absolute truth. Of course, power is at the end of the gun, and that is valid not
only for Vietnam or
for the peoples of the Third World, but it is also valid for us when
the revolution is inevitably violent. So, and we are right to
rebel, it is magnificent. So these few things like that made me switch to the side, to the Mao side,
in this kind of quest, etc. So, I went back in full force
and therefore full force to the CVB as we used to say in Vietnam, the base
of Louis the Great, but also of the 13th. I remember following
the battles day by day. The name of each battalion
of the liberation army engaged was known. We sang the songs
of the Liberation Front. We were completely taken, taken, taken, taken in by the war
and by how it was going, etc. So that was really something, an experience too, quite,
quite, quite astonishing. To end the old world. In unison with the rest of Europe, Italy, Autumn 1967. The University of Turin, like that of Rome, Milan,
Genoa or Pisa, is occupied. These occupations, which began it all, marked the emergence onto the scene of a new generation of students, breaking away from traditional Italian society, still marked by the legacy of fascism. Among the occupants of the Palazzo Campana, the Faculty of Letters of Turin, a very young girl of fourteen,
Vicky Franzinettie. The school year 67-68 was my first year of high school. I was still at home for
a few months and then I left. I went to school and at the same
time I started working. And then I started, as they
said then, to do politics. For what ?
I don’t know anything about it. But still, I started
wearing a mini skirt instead of the knee-length skirt my mom
always made me wear. I read in the newspapers that there was an occupation, and I came here, to the Palazzo Campana. Just sitting on the stairs and smoking seemed fantastic to us. Throwing cigarette butts on the ground,
laughing, singing, eating here, was dominating a public space from which we had felt foreign until then. The beginning was really
very joyful, very funny. It was like suddenly finding yourself
in a tribe where everyone is family, where you
trust everyone. Truly here a
large generation burst forth, one that had grown up without war. And so we were not afraid. I was fourteen, it’s true,
but I was involved by older students who were demanding a different university because it’s
clear that the university as it was then absolutely no longer corresponded to the
needs of what the world had become. Furthermore, it should not be forgotten that,
except for the youngest, teachers had been teachers under
fascism because only twelve refused the teacher’s card
under fascism in Italy. This means that all the others who were
over 45 at the time had either been fascists or had
started their careers at that time. So they were used to the
same weather as when they were young. I don’t think I’ve ever studied so much in my life, although it makes many people smile because 68 was identified with
the idea of not wanting to study. In fact, I do n’t think I’ve ever learned as much
as I did in a counter-class. Could I have
learned how the dollar
and gold conversion worked at fourteen? I remember that
was one of the topics covered. I remember it precisely because I had difficulty
understanding it. How to say that was like saying that. Everything that happened in the world,
I could understand. There was this possibility. Normally, we obviously wouldn’t have closed the door because the room was
almost always packed when I entered. Here, all the places were. Sockets. On this side there were lots of people standing and on this side too,
near the doors, people were crowded together. I almost always tried to get
a seat up front, to see the stage and the people well,
but also to be able to get out relatively quickly
through the front doors. Sometimes it was important to be able to escape this stifling mass
whose moods often changed. But also to be able to escape the police
if they ever arrive. During the teaching and critical university between 1967 and 1969,
not a single week or even a single day went by without
a major demonstration on the themes of the History of Fascism
or the Mechanism of Fascism. There was a lot of thinking
about the development of authoritarian character and what might
be an antidote to that. We learned that Eichmann had defended himself at his trial
by claiming that he had only obeyed orders,
and perhaps we could explain very clearly and somewhat harshly the importance
of anti-authoritarianism, which manifested itself in many forms,
by the fact that we did not want to become of such a
character and such a person ourselves. We also wanted to prevent such
characters and people from coming to power again in Germany, Europe
or elsewhere. People who obey orders
without thinking or scruples. And of course,
this had repercussions in families. In many German families, harmony has been broken,
there have been real rifts. Some never saw their parents again after insulting them
for collaborating with the Nazis. We spent entire evenings getting
together and discussing the cost of the soul. There were also a few pensioners or those
famous widows from Berlin who had all survived the war, but whose
husbands had fallen at the front. We were still up against that
generation from the 1950s. Those widows who insulted us,
accused us of destroying Germany. To go opposite, to go the other way. It was one of their slogans: We should
put you in the gas chambers, We should put you
in the gas chambers. Going to the other side
meant East Berlin. At the beginning of 1968, many of those who started these struggles were the children of those
who had been in resistance. And it was only later that the movement expanded. By involving everyone because we came from families where this heritage had been passed down to us. That is to say, we were not
completely detached from the hopes of those who had resisted and won. Many of them felt
that their resistance was incomplete. That is to say, yes,
they had resisted, but they should also have made the revolution. So many had a
very ambiguous attitude towards us, of hatred, no maybe not hatred, but at the same time of opposition and jealousy. For our part, we had the problem of legitimizing ourselves as a political generation. The others were legitimized by driving out the fascists or by contributing to the fascists. And we could
do this to legitimize ourselves? We began to think of ourselves
as resistance fighters operating in an occupied country, occupied by the bourgeoisie, by its police, etc. As if, in some way, we had to invent the enemies our parents had. We were at the same time in the terrible criticism of parents and their abandonment, their resignation with regard to social or revolutionary or political problems. And in fact, in a great
tribute that was paid to them by saying But we, we want to live this experience that you lived, we want to live up to what you did. Little by little, I became absorbed in politics, I was completely involved in activism
and so I read a lot about politics. I was discovering Mao, I was discovering Marx,
I had never read Marx. We were communists,
we wanted a communist revolution, but certainly not Soviet-style,
certainly not bureaucratic, etc. And that’s the
cultural revolution effect on us. For us, the Cultural Revolution was the fire on the headquarters,
it was Chairman Mao himself telling young people, students,
high school students to attack the bureaucrats. It seemed extraordinary to us, it seemed fabulous to us that we could,
in communism itself, call into question the authority
of bureaucrats. For me, there was a
need for revolution. Yes, it was imposed as a kind of evidence imposed by the world,
the state of the struggles. Moreover, we very quickly became interested in workers’ struggles,
in the forms of workers’ struggles and in particular in the dissident forms
of Workers’ Struggle, that is to say in the forms which were not
completely controlled by the PC and the CGT. Far, very far, it seems,
from the Latin Quarter. The Peugeot factories in Sochaux. 30 zero zero workers, the largest factory in France at the time of
the 30 Glorious Years, it was the height of Taylorism,
assembly line work, intense pace and
unskilled workers. The bones. At the beach, we go from father to son,
like our father, like our mother. Jean-Paul JT joined at 18 in 1967. He was 34 when I returned to the factory. I found it
huge and dirty. It was noisy. He smelled oil. I
felt like they were convicts, the manufacturers, sparks everywhere,
welding, you know, hammering, noise. Upwind, it was 110 decibels. I discovered this when I
returned to the factory. When I was 18, I discovered my mother pushing a
cart with clogs, with clogs. A good woman of 1.58 meters,
I don’t even remember if she was 1.58 meters, But in those waters, she was pushing
the cart and I found it unfair. And I didn’t accept that kind of thing. The chief was arriving.
For example, the little boss told him that we work with our
hands in our pockets. So, we had a kind of reflex from the leaders, we removed our
hands from our pockets. Yes, it’s a bit of a fear of the boss. That’s a bit of the boss’s fear. It’s a bit submissive, though. And then it was little by
little that I built my character. Dare to say what you think
and assert yourself gently. There were unions. The unions were enough.
There was movement. So at first, I was looking at
it a bit from afar, you know. Then I started
to integrate myself a little bit into all of that. But.
But I had organized, I was. I pay my stamp, you see, that’s all. And then the years followed.
So every time I saw. Little by little, whenever I saw
a delegate or someone, I would call them. I said to him: Now there are things that are wrong,
what do you do? And then finally,
at the CFDT, they said they said a period in the 60s,
well before 63, I think, around there. There are guys who said There’s a guy
there in the box, he always calls us out when
we go from being an active guy, etc. And I joined the
union council like that. And then after,
so I started to meet guys who had another, slightly
leftist language, finally what we call leftists who spoke
of the permanent revolution. That’s actually how I
got my foot in the door. Women’s roles. Unbearable physical tragedy. Über mich nicht Motorhead which they say. And I think I too
felt like I was part of a revolutionary atmosphere and
renewal. Yes. We really felt like we were
part of a global revolution. But otherwise.
I felt like I had to stay in Berlin, that I couldn’t just
take a vacation like that. Normally. My brother asked me one day, “Do
you want to come to Amsterdam?” And there were all these new
vacation destinations. It was like New York,
Mallorca or Malaysia today. We said, “Ah, you’re coming with us to Italy,
we’re going there with our little two-horsepower horse.” It was in to go to Italy or France with a
minivan or a two-horsepower horsebox. But I was thinking, How can
they go on vacation now? The revolution is at the door. You have to be there, day and night, on the
alert and ready to really participate. Eva Kuistorene will soon be fully immersed in the revolutionary atmosphere she is
calling for. On June 2, 1967, student mobilization
reached an unprecedented intensity to protest against the
official visit of the Shah of Iran to Berlin. Students are deserting universities
and taking to the city streets. The police response was
extremely brutal. A young student, Benoni Sorg, is killed. For students,
but also for a section of the country’s liberal public,
this death is a crucial turning point that testifies to the escalation
of state violence. When you find yourself in such a situation for the first time, and for me,
it was the first time I found myself in confrontation
with the police on June 2, 1967. It is a very
worrying and uncertain situation. And the word violence is
far too abstract. In this.
Case. We see the uniforms, we see the batons,
we look for an escape route, for
a barricade. Is she going to crush me? Is there a pensioner out there who’s going to hit someone
on the head with an umbrella? All of this is very concrete. It was as if the whole city was gripped by the tension, as if everything was
suspended for those involved. As if time had stopped.
And we had. The feeling that a historical moment was taking
place. And we still didn’t know exactly
how it would continue. But at the level. The political atmosphere and the tone
of the debates have become radicalized. The mobilization is intensifying
more and more. Parliament is preparing to vote on emergency laws, the nostalgia of those
who would allow the government to assume full
powers in an emergency. The students are revolting. Resurgence of fascism, he accuses. It was in this boiling atmosphere
that in April 1968, Rudi Dutschke Deutsch was the victim of an attack which left him for dead on the
move. Student anger is turning against the Springer newspapers,
accused of fostering a climate of hatred against Red Roddy
and his gangs of thugs. 1500 1925. In 199929. Strike made a
Student demonstration on a Newton. Deslandes Martainville. At the same time,
Balzac’s freshness inspired Stendhal. For five days,
the fiercest street fighting since
the end of the Weimar Republic took place across Germany. But. We meet.
Also remembered the tradition of. 1920s.
The tradition of Red Aid when workers, communists,
socialists and anarchists organized themselves here
on their own. Against.
The Nazi riot troops. And.
Against the. Police. It was an aspect of the movement
that was no longer so light. Really, it wasn’t so light anymore. It even brought. A lot of gravity,
but perhaps also illusions. That’s what I would say today. As if we were trying,
as Marx already wrote, to put on
the costumes of another era. On the other side of the wall, the other Europe. In January 1968, the wind of freedom that was about to
blow into Czechoslovakia was not identical to the
Western revolutionary whirlwinds which, glimpsed from the streets of Prague
in the land of real socialism, could appear quite
incantatory or bitterly naive. For Peter Hall. However, things are a little different. This young engineer, who had just graduated, took
advantage of the timid signs of liberalization of the regime visible since
the mid-1960s to travel to Paris and frequent the
Trotskyist extreme left circles there. For him, the criticism of Stalinist communism constitutes a bridge
between the two sides of the wall. It was therefore as a critical citizen that this 26-year-old young man observed,
in January 1968, the political struggles at the head of the Czechoslovak Communist Party
which led to the replacement of the conservative
Antonin Novotny by Alexandre Dubcek. In Prague in January. This year,
spring will bloom in winter. So what?
That’s really all. I know that well. I remember that the world opened up
to me in January 1968, but in truth, in January and February,
Czechoslovak society had not yet experienced the electrification
of mobilization. And them. Changes were happening up above and people were looking at it with
uncertain hopes. Real change only came
in March with the removal of censorship. When newspapers begin
to publish articles about terror. Policy.
From the 50s. And then people started to debate. Very low features in one of the. One of the characteristics of spring 1968 was,
for example, that every morning I got up a little earlier
to go to the newsstand to buy all the newspapers, all the dailies
and weeklies published that day. Michelet per week. Then I would spend
two or three hours reading everything. That was characteristic of that
time for me anyway. Each day brought a host of new events and we
fed off them. If it will ever exist. Hooray! He was. This is the purpose of the visit to the Sorbonne. Television was also
free at that time. When Dubcek arrived at the office
in the morning, about ten or twenty people would be waiting for him on the steps
of the government building, and he would spend half an hour
talking with them. It was something
unheard of, something never seen before. There had never been such contact. No one would ever have thought they would be able to talk to the
party’s general secretary. The idea was that the. People talking in the street,
in the street, Copé Prize for example, which had been renamed Hyde Park,
it was in July. They were probably reading the same articles I was and wanted to
discuss them with other people. It was at this time that I realized,
and it shaped me for the following years, that freedom of expression is
the most important of freedoms. And even when all else fails –
freedom of religion, freedom to travel, freedom
to do business, and I don’t know what else – if we have freedom of expression, then
the other freedoms are renewable. Tick tock . Tac.
Tick tock. The poor thing isn’t there. Poor Habiba. This is going to be a blast.
You know. I’ll take you to the ball! Protest Sam. I. Protest. And I’m ten years younger than my husband. At the time, I was 17 years old.
And. My age obviously determined
my perception of events. And besides, I didn’t live in Prague. But the Prague Spring, or the Czechoslovak Spring, affected
the whole of society, all social classes,
provincial towns and the countryside. I was closely following everything that was
happening and discussing it at home. I also read a lot of newspapers and that’s what
really distinguished that era. I was then fully experiencing
a feeling of freedom and hope. This union.
As far as I’m concerned. In May, I joined
a political group. It was a far-left movement
that demanded self-management, defended the interests of third
world countries and fought against capitalism. What is Slovenian? The connection between the Czechoslovak student opposition movement
of 1967, May 1968 and 1969, and the student movements of the
West was not obvious. He didn’t. I must say that I belonged to that
minority of people who tried to link these movements,
even if this link was a little artificial since the demands
were really different. When Rudy Duc came to Prague, we were very attentive
and sensitive to what he told us. Then we translate his words. In Czech, there is no word for
anti-authoritarianism. Six months ago.
I remember that a friend and I thought about it for a good
half hour before coming up with this. Word that has been. Then integrated into the vocabulary. Anti-authoritarian. Anti-authoritarianism and anti-authoritarianism. Extensions that are. So,
Czech was invented from Western languages, precisely in 1968. And we needed this word because
it was also our program. There was a common denominator between the movements in the West
and the Czechoslovak movement. And that denominator was socialism,
democracy and freedom. Speak. Tell me about the
A family. Don’t be part of it. The imprisonment of our comrades
at the closure of faculties. The police occupation of the Sorbonne. We responded to the charges of the
mobile guards at the hands of the CRS with a week of demonstrations. We opposed the cobblestones of Paris. It’s not bad. I was completely stunned by what was
happening in the Latin Quarter. I remember very well going up
a huge, very, very long line of mobile guard buses as the
mobile guards were getting off the buses. So I went back up with my Solex, seeing
the doors opening one after the other and the mobile guards in black, with
mean faces and batons in their hands. Rush out of the buses
to intervene. We had a feeling of living in a
historical moment, that is to say that we were building lots of
historical references and at the same time we were trying to see what was
new happening. I remember very well a reflection on barricades,
the geography of barricades. Is this the same
geography as in 1848? And what are the barricades
of the commune and the barricades of 1848 compared to the barricades
of the Latin Quarter? Saint-Michel Boulevard. It is paved and has no cobblestones. I arrive in Paris in May. It was extraordinary to see this crowd of young people
shouting against the government, chanting
slogans like “Workers, Workers, Peasants.” Students. Same fight, same struggle. I thought it was great, you know. Life wasn’t like that. It was nothing like what we were experiencing in the country, in the Montbéliard region
where it was pretty static. If you want. Well, there were things, but this
was like a firework. For me it was. I didn’t have enough eyes to look, to hear,
to listen, to. To soak me up.
I. I was involved. I only hear talk of reform here
and this term should, in my opinion, be denounced. Reforms mean nothing. It’s about pronouncing it. The word revolution distorts. I was amazed at
the number of guys handing out leaflets, information,
various groups, etc. But I said to myself, Wait! All this comes in a
somewhat generic box, they say what are we? Well, it’s worse than the advertising they put
in our mailboxes today. It seemed like that to me, you see,
I said to myself but it’s not possible that there is so much movement,
you see the anarchists and LO, the League, finally all the groups, the three
Trotskyist currents, anyway. And others, you see. Including all the guys who also distributed
the Spanish news. That’s all it was. And it scared me too. And then, in addition, it was a wealth
for me because I have… I saw that there was
multiple information. Simply,
at some point you had to choose something. In 36, I did this, I did that. But yes, because in 36, there
was no 36. You, my little friend,
wouldn’t you be there to start? There is a side, sir. Was there
no politics in France at 36 36? 30 years ago, there wasn’t everything there is
now. It lasts, it won’t change anymore. There is a groundswell,
of course, but of course. I remember very, very well, participating in discussion groups that were
formed around a poster, around something like that,
and I was very happy about that. And for me. 68 The moment, finally 68 May 68
remains very much, that too is not simply the actions
that we did in the factories, but really also these
instantaneous encounters, even brief, even fleeting, these discussions, this indeed this
this fact of capacity to discuss everything, this possibility of discussing
everything, of being critical, of inventing, of, of being among, of simply,
among a multitude of points of view which are expressed at the same time
between people who are completely unknown. And that was it.
It was quite wonderful, and it could be found
literally on the street corner, you know, during that month of May,
on any street. I participated in the occupation
of the Sorbonne. From that moment on, obviously, I no longer went to any
of Louis the Great’s classes. I was spending my time. In fact, at the Sorbonne,
we had a stand of his. JCM the Union of Young Communists,
Marxist Leninists. I sold Red Guards Serving
the People and lots of brochures, books, books by Mao
or Lenin’s grandfather. Politics was everywhere in the sense that
it was an opportunity to make everything political: life, consumption,
sex, culture,
everything was discussed in the element of politics, in the element of what is to be
done, what should we do,
who should we ally ourselves with, why, etc. What was the meaning
of things all at once? It was all aspects of life
that took on a political meaning. No more borders. It is well beyond the Sorbonne, well beyond the Latin Quarter,
that the revolt is now spreading. At the Sud Aviation factories in Nantes, two young workers launched the first sit-
down strike on May 14. The next day, it was the turn of the Renault factories in Billancourt,
Flins and Le Mans. On May 20, there were 7,000,000 strikers,
three times more than in 1936. France had never experienced a
general strike of such magnitude. It wasn’t just young people, there were also guys
who had experience. There were guys who were crying,
who were old, who were telling that. Anyway, I’ll see that before I
die, you know. I saw old people, old people, old activists who were
certainly anarchist activists from before the war, I don’t really know,
or who were part of the resistance, etc. And who saw that,
that it exploded, who said? Who certainly remembered
36 in their youth. Finally you see. The point where we settled. So in the 68 movement at that time,
it was about making the connection, making the connection between the students
and the workers, so making this crossing
of classes like that, obviously. What was the CGT against? What was the PC against? Against it were the leftists. For the CGT, the only serious thing was
what was happening in the factories. It was a working-class logic. Students, let them fight in their corner, but especially when they do
n’t meet. In trousers with the workers
in the fight for their demands? Lead our strike ourselves. And we refuse
any external interference. Do you feel
overwhelmed by students? This is the necessary confrontation. First there were the. Workers, students
in the street and several students. I had. Participated in the outing to Renault
to meet the workers and it was obviously us
who had organized this thing and launched it. And we arrive at Billancourt.
And literally, the CGT closes the factory doors to us
, prevents, prevents contact. And there was this fantastic banner
that took up the entire width of the street. Which was also the translation of one or which was in Chinese, literally
in Chinese language, which was hard. The workers will take over from
the weak hands of the students. The red flag of the workers’ struggle. For the fight is engaged by the. There is nothing more. Abandoned by wolves. Here in the corner, we were waiting
but we know we’re going to occupy it. Whatever anyone says, at some point, it’s Peugeot
who will tell us that we have to stay at home because it had
more supplies. And that’s how one Saturday we met there and then
there was a show of hands. We cut, we cut the factory,
so we went into the factory, we went to the different gates,
the Peugeot guards left, etc. That’s how we settled in. At all the doors. There were groups
that organized their food according to the places, the rotations because there were some
who came in, some who came back. There were some who slept around,
one who didn’t actually sleep around. There was.
Everyone organized themselves so that there was a rotation,
so that there were always people. There were people painting, there were
people writing poems, there were, there were guys
improvising things. In hope of victory. He is not my friend. This morning, my friend. Tonight facing barricades. Green, red or blue night,
king of universes and barricades. Green night.
Red or blue black. What does it matter my friend, what does it matter my friend. I was delighted. He had to pay the price. I paid the price after May. But I mean, there I was. I felt good at home. I was in my
box, in my factory. And then today,
it was us who were holding the box and it was perhaps us who should
also be asked our opinion. Not like it always was before. Safety is safety. And then that asshole. The worst part was the bullying.
The forums. They were imposed. There are even people who do not occupy the factory during the day but who
come to the forum in the evening. There were discussions,
debates, and then contradictions. There are people who have started to speak out, there are people who have started
to express themselves, there are people who have dared. I thought that it would
not actually change the revolution. I didn’t want to break everything. I wasn’t going. I wasn’t the type to go and steal a
bourgeois’s house and move in, then throw him out
and then steal his furniture. That wasn’t my thing,
it was to change the spirit, the spirit and also the directives,
and so that we could give our opinion. Well, yes, it’s about participating in the discussion, not just being
forced to listen like in church when they preached one way or the other, and then
downstairs, you’re not allowed to respond. After the increase in wages and purchasing power, immediately
after comes freedom of association. Once union freedoms
are possible in the company, the boss will no longer be in
control of his company. Because once we have this demand,
the others will automatically succeed. We might make you some cobblestones, we’ll boil them a little more,
we’ll keep you going. I still have all this in my heart. I still live it, I do it,
I know it as if I were still there. These are things that have marked me in
life, like the birth of my children. Actually.
It was yes, it was another day. You could say that.
Another day, what? In June 1968, called by Peugeot management, the CRS and the mobile guards
forcibly removed the strikers who had launched a new
occupation of the factory. After a brief return to work. Striking and non-striking workers unite to respond. In Sochaux and
Montbéliard, hidden rifles are brought out. Since the end of the war,
the atmosphere has been insurrectional. Eighty workers were injured and two died. The funeral of the young worker Jean Belleau, which was attended by a large crowd,
recalled the seriousness of the clashes that took place at the Peugeot factories after
their occupation by the police. The clashes in Flins
also claimed one victim, Gilles Taupin, the drowned student whose funeral
took place in Paris. I don’t have. In fact, my journey is linked. Connect these three
deaths in some way. Since,
since I knew Gilles Autun very well, I was very close to him at the time
when he was going to die and that and that in fact I was going to
join Sochaux two years later, so where did the
other two dead of the May movement die? Without being aware of being part
of a large movement of revolt. International, that’s
the watchword in Persian Warsaw. Counts for this. The end of the year 68 which
saw growth in Italy. An ever-increasing student mobilization is also the moment
of a decisive turning point. Students are gradually turning away
from strictly academic protests to move closer to
the workers in struggle. In Turin, students
crowd around the doors of the Fiat. They took part in the strikes that punctuated the end of 1968, culminating
in the autumn of 1969, during the hot autumn, the autumn of Aldo, a
strike movement of unprecedented scale in Italy. This political junction between student
workers was notably defended by the political organization
to which Vicky then joined. La Lotta continued The struggle continues. Today in processions,
at Christmas time, among those identified. Campaign. Opera and sudden conflict. Island, pottery, opera. And in the Scola del Pedro, born. Sempronius is dead. Long live the Revolution!
When can. He is emphatic van. Rosalie, anonymous companion. Aren’t there cartels
and currencies in the other blinds? Will he remain Brujah? Disturbing machinery when destiny shatters, when violence, violence,
violence, the revolt that hesitated. From the Romani bullshit to the lawyers in the Corpo antifa Treasure identity companion
Green unleashed such bullshit. Suddenly, he will carry scrap metal
in the Squadra del patronne gathered at Raymond’s Viva la révolutionnaire
when crushed by Violette. Not thought of, unless it came
from the little camel if you prefer. It is a sign of bias of
massive political affiliation, organization and organization and to take
them back. Reins of the school.
And no. From the factory.
Strikes. There were a lot of them. Strikes, layoffs, factory takeovers
one after the other. I thought
it would never end. Actually, the shock
was when it ended. Ciao, ciao, ciao, ciao Giovanni.
I was coming to the. Maximum four days a week and usually I came for the
lunch shift change. In the morning, I went to school and so I
came in the morning, that is to say around five or six o’clock, only if there was
a strike or something. So day after day, I don’t say every day
of the week, but at least four. After a while,
you become part of the landscape. And besides, we were a means
of communication for the workers. Because during.
During periods of great struggle, thanks to us, they learned
what had happened elsewhere. Of course, the newspapers didn’t report it, and as for the unions,
it depended on how things turned out. And so. During the times of struggle,
we were really very useful to them. Of course, it is still
difficult to win in Beijing, the United States campaigned about 70%
of us in secret, our newspaper. It is about managing a hotel
operating in Catanzaro. We defended the idea that
everyone should be a delegate and that there should be no
union representation. Some agreed, while others, who were union members,
discussed and protested. We meet.
Was arguing. The younger workers you found
in politics were completely different because they
no longer looked the same. They were of my generation, they didn’t have the taste
of defeat in their mouths. And so they exploded. While.
The unions that knew fear, that had been operating for years with
internal representations, with internal commissions that
engaged in negotiations that had… Fear. They found themselves
completely overwhelmed. By revolutionary force. And that is what we call
revolutionary force. It is these two groups, who ignore
fear for completely different reasons, that are exploding among
students and workers. We are.
Just one thing. And that.
Clearly, it was not liked at all. And not only are we one.
Thing. But we are something outside the parties, outside the unions,
outside the commissions. Yes.
That’s what we are. And we are.
Organized. And revolution is bad. Perceived In August 68, I was in Paris. I saw in a newspaper that someone was
reading a photo of a Soviet tank. Who tanks with. Behind the National Museum
and the statue of Saint Wenceslas. When Russian tanks in Prague. And I said. So to the woman I was with Look what the Canard
enchaîné is capable of. They really don’t care about anything. Don’t forget. Then I got closer and realized that it wasn’t the Canard Enchaîné,
but that it was François. So, with trembling hands, I
went to buy myself a copy of the newspaper. This man sat down on the curb
and we almost started to cry. No, not for us.
It was really one. Shock.
We don’t go there. Absolutely not expecting. The whole of Europe woke up in shock
on the morning of August 21, 1968. The previous night,
300,000 Warsaw Pact troops had invaded Czechoslovakia
in the face of intervention troops. The entire population immediately adopted an attitude of non-
collaboration and resistance. But after a few days, it becomes clear that
spring is over. Right away. I felt a very strong sense
of despair and sadness. Also. And also anxiety about what
was going to happen. There was also anger
in me, a great anger. Anger, despair, betrayal. Even when they are not very clear, hopes
always provide an opening. But what happened there
was truly a great despair. And that’s when I first realized that I, personally, would
never conform to it. Little by little,
over the days and weeks, slowly, very slowly, the atmosphere
and the politics began to change. I understood how much the year 68
had been a strong moment for me. Actually, I only understood it
in retrospect. Once what we had experienced was
lost, a very firm conviction crystallized
in me that I would not submit. Not.
What I will do without really knowing what yet. But I knew I would do
something about it. We are options. I was a citizen and I
became a homo politicus. That, my friends, is the style that charms me. Yet it is spring. Who transformed me. Then the invasion and the struggle to maintain the
democratic elements we had acquired. Previously . Later, I have. Perceived Charter 77 as a continuation
of this struggle that we were waging. Rosa Passo and. The year 1989 is for me in the same continuity, that of the
Charter and therefore in the legacy of 68. First And it is for me
like the single thread of my life. In Paris, the promise sounds to many
like a crossroads. Returning to the normal course of life
or continuing the struggle in other forms and preparing this gift was
only the prelude to the revolution. Yves Cohen joined the ranks of the
Proletarian Left, which succeeded the Marxist-
Leninist Youth Union in the autumn of 1968. One of the GP’s priority objectives was to establish young Maoists in order to maintain centers of revolutionary agitation, and to hire young Maoists
within factories to participate in
and encourage workers’ struggles. For Yves Cohen, there is no hesitation,
he too will be established. Heading to one of the
emblematic places of the workers’ May, Sochaux. When I was hired for
September 3, 70, I had won the jackpot. Joining Peugeot
was a real must. At the time, we called it
factory number one in our Chinese vocabulary. Fed up with the machine that’s making our heads spin, fed up with the clock boss who’s killing us. Tired of the slave life, of life, of misery. Listen to our voices. They announce war. We are the new
mavericks. Of class war. The people’s camp is our camp. We are the new supporters. Actually, I didn’t expect
what I was going to find. What I was going to find was. It was an absolutely monstrous factory, immense, with walls miles and
miles long and. And precisely, to go to Sochaux, to go see Sochaux, you had to follow
these walls, these concrete walls like that. Huge, right? I did this with a little Breton with
whom I had passed the tests and we could hear the presses, the presses of the weaving tip. There was the smell of electric drilling,
of electric drilling. That is to say, these are baths in which the crates,
which are therefore metallic, are immersed. And so walk along these walls, what. With it, we didn’t see anything coming, we didn’t see any city coming. It was completely mind-blowing. There was something very, very strange.
The Breton who was with me said, “But I’m not coming back here, there’s
no way I’m coming to work here.” And I said to myself, well,
this is where I’m going to have to settle down and that
it wasn’t for me. On the contrary, it was
here that I was going to stay. It is time to take
the idea of revolution to its conclusion. Otherwise, obviously, from the point of view
of the discovery of life and the joy of living and from there of what one
can do when one is 19 years old. Obviously, it wasn’t choosing to go and work in the biggest
factory in France, it obviously wasn’t. There, choosing to go and have fun in the happiest place in the world,
it was indeed there was, there was a deliberately
ascetic aspect that I took from the most, the most excessively
ascetic side possible. When the factory reopened,
after all these events,
we returned to the company with euphoria. We were a little proud, you know. And then we no longer looked at
directions in the same way. We did the work,
and in the same way, we did it with desire,
we did the work with desire if you like, but knowing that well, we could,
we were capable of reforming it through these united attitudes that we
had, collectively, etc. You see, we couldn’t tell a guy
who had occupied the box or who had lived through all that, even if he lived a little
far away, we could, we couldn’t talk to him
in the same way anymore, that’s clear. We were no longer spoken to in the same way. 68, that was it, I was in the starting block, 60 arrived and I set off in the
100 meter lane within the CFDT. So I was a union delegate for sociability in the morning and I acted as
a liaison between the morning rounds and the after-
noon rounds and the evening rounds. I wanted the union organization to be offensive, to be based
on demands, not senatorial demands, but
direct demands. For years, until 72, I very often came home at 11:00 a.m.,
the evening when my wife was waiting for me. She had put the words down,
but she was waiting for me. You see, after I told him
not to wait for me anymore. But I came home at 4 a.m., left
again, slept 4 hours a night. You see, it was.
I was available. Me as established moe, I had my
personal style, the usual established. These flamboyant styles
arrive in the factory. You spot the thing that you can do to block the chain, sabotage a little,
find the most rebellious workers. I wasn’t in this immediate action, but I wasn’t
like my friend Duduche, for example. Jean-Claude Poirson. Him, barely. He was there for a month,
a month and a half, on the assembly line, in the body shop, blowing up
a transformer, a transformer. He was blocking the channel, you see. And he got fired, etc. There
was a story about a boss, he got fired extremely
quickly, you see. I wasn’t
really into that stuff. I wasn’t 100 years old, bringing out the
people’s cause to sell my newspaper. I did it
every time there was a new people’s cause to show
to friends, etc. But I wasn’t constantly
trying to sell my duck. I talked about everything: China,
the May 1968 revolution, intellectuals, Maoism,
philosophy if necessary. So I was in my place
among the activists and students who came to confront the workers with
their way of being in the press of 68. Two days ago, there was
very strong repression. There were delegates following her. As soon as a delegate took
hours of delegation, there was a guy to follow him
through the workshops, to listen to what he was saying,
what was being said with the guys. There were these anti-
Mao brigades who were trying to provoke. I remember seeing people
walking past my post a bit strangely. And I think they were
people anyway. But there were cops everywhere,
there were old people, there were. It was the only place in France where there were
worker deaths in 1968. There was a truly
leaden atmosphere in this factory. Despite the blows that took place in 69, the gun strike, the
youth ferry strike, etc. There was an extremely heavy atmosphere that weighed on everyone and we
had the impression that it would be very difficult to make
anything happen. December 1969. Peter Hull experiences his
first hours in prison. In the autumn of 1968, he actively participated
in the mobilization of the student movement to defend the achievements of the
Prague Spring in the occupied universities. Peter or the same founded the
Revolutionary Youth Movement ideologically close
to the extreme left. This small group will go out into the open,
then underground, to resist by calling for insubordination, to the
gradual resumption of power. In vain. Gustav USA, who had normalized,
succeeded Alexander Dubcek in April 1969. After attempting to commemorate the anniversary of the invasion,
the group was infiltrated by the police. All its members were arrested
in the last days of 1969. I hope the search lasted
something like three or four hours. She had a very unusual appearance. They wanted me to type the titles of the books they had
confiscated from me on their typewriter. I refused to do it,
so they were the ones tapping with one finger. Dirty.
They were writing. Books in.
Foreign language. Just a book. Without even knowing if they were
in German, French or English. Because it was a
culture shock for me. I felt like these
people were from another world. Ah! The books were chosen at random
because they had no idea what the nature of the book was, whether it was subversive
or neutral, who knows. Books written in a foreign language that might well understand it,
right? How awful! There are people who read
books in foreign languages. There were only two of us who knew
the charges. The reporting judge and I. No one else even bothered to read it,
because everyone knew it was pointless since the court wouldn’t be the place to make
the decision. But that is where
the verdict would come from. And just one moment. I was sentenced to four years in prison, partly because
I protested during the trial. Thanks to her, I was imprisoned at 20 and a half and released at 22 and a half. I was arrested for distributing leaflets around the time of the
elections in November 1971. The leaflets told people that if they disagreed with the policy
of restricting freedoms, then they could express this
by not voting. We were saying something very simple:
voting is a right, not an obligation. I was released on December 15, 1973,
after four years. It was very difficult because I suddenly found myself in a society that was
completely different from that of December 1969, which at the time, in my environment, was
a supportive and caring society. A protest society. Protest here and there. Nothing, nothing more. Except for a few friends who were
also getting out of prison. Most people did
n’t want to be around us. My wife and I always said we
were meant to be married. Because who else would have
wanted to marry us? She too had just been released from prison. It was terrible to observe how Boussac and his clique had managed
to control the whole of society, to repress it into the private sphere,
into country houses, into cars,
into hospital apartments. And people had stopped being interested
in politics. One day, when I came home from work,
I found a man at our house. Randomly, Petr. It was Peter visiting his
cellmate at Bory Prison. This companion was my brother. That’s how we
met. I immediately knew who it was
when he introduced himself. We agreed to meet the following week in Prague,
where I was to visit my father, who was himself imprisoned
in Little Mirette Prison. But it is in the
shocks that before nothing. We met at a cafe and since I’m a
cautious man and wanted a witness, I also invited my
best friend at the time. Yours, Aubin Drew. And why did you want to have a witness? Well, I assumed we were going to
have a political debate and that we would be the representatives
of the non-Stalinist left. Later, my friend told me that when I arrived and saw you
through the window, sitting around a table,
in such an intimate discussion, I understood that my presence was useless
and I left. We were no longer
at the height of enthusiasm. You could no longer be carried away by
a movement and feel big and strong. We couldn’t flood the city with brilliant ideas like a wave anymore,
and everyone is participating. That feeling was gone. It’s true. As
the enthusiasm of unanimous impulses fades. How to continue? Which path to choose? That of a
violent confrontation with the State? Or the less spectacular one
of the struggle for the transformation of minds in the field
of daily life? In this quest, which is also that
of the metamorphosis of a fight, the women, Eva and Vickie, will have to
invent their own answers. Fortunately, we did
n’t care about tradition, because if we had
followed our culture. I wouldn’t have. I
couldn’t have children without getting married. I couldn’t have had an abortion. I couldn’t have
used birth control. I couldn’t have.
Live and work as I did. The deal didn’t have any. The woman was not allowed
to leave the marital home. A widow’s inheritance was
less than that of a widower. The wife did not have the same
rights as her husband over the children. For applicants.
There were separate lists for employment. Paying women less
than men was legal. There was no divorce,
no contraception, no abortion. During.
Childbirth. If it was necessary to choose between the life
of the mother and that of the child, the child was chosen
because it was a pure soul. This is the picture
of Italy at that time. When I became a teacher,
people still asked you if you were married. It was a real act of emancipation, to dare to tell a colleague that you weren’t married. And it wasn’t just an act. We spent weeks racking our brains. Of course, today we find that normal. But they were invisible walls. All the steps women took at that time
were against invisible walls. It was much more difficult to
cross them than to climb the barricades. That was ridiculously easy in comparison. These are men from 68 who, in a
way, told the story of women because in the beginning, they were the ones who
assigned us our place. As an activist and. As an activist, in the wake of what had been typical of the
Communist Party and the Socialist Party. Strong as comrades. strong, solid and available for everything or as girlfriends, wives, fiancées. One day in 69-70, during a political quarrel, a guy said to me: You, you need to **** **** yourself by a worker. For me, that was the last straw. So it’s around that time. I started looking for
the few women’s groups that already existed: women’s groups
for health, for the home. All kinds of women’s groups. Politics swims in understanding
the nature of the condition. Women and why? There are many people, of course, who
surround us and our acquaintances. In 1973, there was the first feminist demonstration
at the Memorial Church. We were fighting against paragraph 218,
the paragraph on abortion. I myself experienced this in 1969, getting pregnant
and not feeling able to study,
raise a child and earn a living at the same time. I remember.
From that feeling when leaving the metro. It was great to suddenly see
so many women around the church. It was something completely new. We felt united and not so alone anymore. Good woman, slave and breaking
our shackles of all. Gisèle, it was the same sparkling atmosphere as at the beginning
of the student movement. We said to ourselves
Something new is beginning. This has only a tiny bit of cushioning
at the hummingbird. Still yesterday. I had learned how to perform
abortions. We used tubes for suction
and also a bicycle pump. At first, there was supposed to be
a young woman, a doctor, with me. But once this young doctor,
we were doing an abortion, she heard noise coming from the stairs and she said My God,
the police, They’re leaving. She runs away leaving me alone. And from that moment on,
I performed the abortions alone. We met again. Between groups of
practice and we talked. We talked about
technical issues and our anxieties. Because most of us, I remember that I did
interventions on Tuesdays and. Friday. And from Tuesday to Friday,
I didn’t make love. And. It was something quite distressing. As a new one. In the
German feminist movement of the 1970s,
we probably had different themes than the French,
Italian or American feminists. Of course.
The Cross of Honor of the German Army. And the myth. The mother under the Nazi regime
certainly played a role. A role. We had to. To approach the image
of the mother and the very fact of being mothers differently. I think this is one of the. Reasons why many
of these women did not have children. There was probably
this unconscious conflict. How, as another mother,
can one be sure not to fall back into this role, not to educate
and train children for a system? How can we do otherwise? There is mine. My generation is the first. I belong to the
young part of this generation. But my generation is the first generation of women who were able to choose
to live as they saw fit. And that’s not nothing. July 1971, Yves Cohen’s revolutionary career came to a sudden halt. No more Peugeot, no more leafleting for the people’s cause
on the main street of Montbéliard. The strikes and the speeches were over , at least for a while,
following a fight between police and young Maoists,
Yves and two of his companions were arrested at dawn on July 18, 1971, in
a small house on the banks of the Doubs. Verdict: Fifteen months in prison. I was hardly moved
by being imprisoned then. Moreover, it was at a time when there were many other friends in prison,
for many reasons and also for battles, selling out the
people’s cause, acts of political violence who themselves were fighting
for their political regimes. And that was also the beginning of the
prison revolts in particular. While we were there, there
was the Toulouse prison revolt , which was
an absolutely splendid revolt. The workers coming out,
the jail workers going out onto the roofs,
expressing their demands, etc. So that was very important because we started
supporting the other prisoners from the inside. Not for a moment did I regret it or
ask myself what the hell am I doing here? Etc.
That is to say, for me, I was there because I had
been condemned and sentenced. So ultimately, my conviction verified that I was truly
an enemy of the bourgeoisie. It was probably in prison that this manifested itself most strongly. This difficulty for me to feel things in a vivid, sensitive and emotional way. But I think it was very linked not only to the intensity of what I was experiencing, the
political intensity, the activist intensity, etc. But of all the load
that I had put into it. From the report of the report, for example, from the report to resistance, from the report to
myself, from the report to deportation. I remember that the first visit
my parents made to me in prison clearly recalls that my mother was crying
in Montbéliard prison and for me, I interpreted it without
knowing if it was her thought. I interpreted it as. The thought she had of her own
prison during the war, of her arrest, of the Romainville health depot
, then of Auschwitz. From this. I imagined that was what she was
thinking. A few years later,
not right away, I had a dream. And in fact, the Peugeot factory is a factory in two
parts separated by the national road. And in my dream, the plan of Auschwitz was superimposed on the Peugeot factory with,
in place of the national road, the railway lines which penetrated
into the shale up to the gas chambers. It’s this thing, this connection that I had
never made explicitly. I had never done it. I had never spoken about it. I never even thought about it. Well I did it in a dream. So there was something extremely profound in this kind of
force of investment where nothing existed
for me, except what I was experiencing at that moment,
and especially not precisely emotions that were specific to me
and personal and emotional. And so yes, that was it. It took me years
to recover from that. The backlash is looming. For Jean-Paul Vita, who tried to perpetuate the legacy of May in his activism. Even within the CFDT, the constant challenge to union authority and bureaucracy is causing some teeth to grind. In 1972, the leftist Gita was expelled from his union. Six months later, the management of Le Mutant is sulking. Factory far from the workshops, far from friends. I was at a workbench facing a wall, as if to say here where there was. I could have counted the studs on the wall since it wasn’t plastered, it was raw. And then behind me, I was found on my right, behind, at an angle. So there were offices that were glazed. I was constantly seen,
so you could see who was coming to talk to me. And then when it lasted too long,
we came to remind the guys that if they were on duty,
it wasn’t on duty, etc. I could no longer campaign, I could no longer move, I could no longer go
to the workshops, I went there, I didn’t leave there, I no longer had any direct action in the company. So outside, what can you do? Not much. You can be supportive. So when there was a strike, I
did, I went on strike, you know? I was leaving
my shift alone, you see? So you know, when they leave
a service on their own, it’s still hard. And there you have it. I stayed, I stayed there for ten years. For ten years, I made sure there
was nothing in my car that could put me in danger of getting fired,
being accused of stealing, etc. That was
something terrible, really. And I remember getting in my car, starting it, driving a few meters, stopping, getting out, not opening my hood, you know. And for ten years, I repeat ten years. This is crazy! When I think about it today. I feel like it’s
not me. Finally, I have the impression that I am telling someone else’s stories,
but this is mine. At the Lip factories in Besançon, 80 kilometers from Sochaux,
the fires of 1968 are resurfacing. In June 1973, factory occupations and the workers themselves restarted production according to the principle of self-management. Jean-Paul. Gitta rushes there,
as does Eve Cohen, who, after her release from prison, found work
in small factories in the region. But if Jean-Paul rediscovers at Lip the taste for
the forums of 68 for Yves and the whole of the Proletarian Left, the
Lip meeting will have an unexpected effect. It was the meeting of a workers’ movement that was capable
of doing everything, of inventing everything. Without us, there wouldn’t have been a single
Maoist activist in Lip at that time. Lip’s last Mao activist had left it two months earlier, saying: ”
Nothing will ever happen in there.” We said to ourselves, But what are
we doing? What is our destiny, if not that of becoming a small
communist group imitating the PC, imitating, renewing, as the Trotskyists do
eternally, chewing over the same speech for 20, 40 or 50 years,
with the same impotence? Is this really what
we want? Is this really
how we think? The revolution?
Good. And so there was a whole process of thinking that led to the idea of
dissolving, of self-dissolving. I was completely in line with this thing, with this idea
of stopping dissolving, etc. So it took on a
very strong meaning on lots of levels. In terms of activism, for me,
it was stopping GP, it really meant that
I was stopping and that I was really stopping. And for example, I didn’t
walk in the stuff at all. There are loads of friends
who continued, who went to Ireland to see what was happening with
the IRA, who rushed to Portugal for the Carnation Revolution, I don’t
want to, or who became a bit giddy. So I became a bit of a nutcase, but I didn’t dive into the
community as a way out. Enough with this end of activism which was
an extremely difficult time for everyone. You have led to death, that we have led
to overdose, that we have led to extremely
difficult experiences of reconversion, of. To restore compatibility
with society. How can I live in there again? How can we accept the gestures that we
have always refused? How can one accept submission to an order, to orders, to commands,
when it was systematically refused? How to escape this? Or how to accept it? How and where was the limit? Let’s go. Y. When everything calms down, I try to. Calm in the mid-1970s. For several years now,
the left-wing movements that emerged in 1968 in Italy have been facing terrorist violence, like the rest
of the country. It all began on
December 12, 1969 in Milan. That day, a bomb exploded in
Piazza Fontana in the heart of the city. Sixteen dead, 86 injured. Left-wing anarchists were
immediately arrested and charged. The investigation deliberately rules out the neo-fascist theory, which is the most
plausible for the Italian left. This attack reveals the collusion between neo-
fascists and the state apparatus. That was it.
The end of. Innocence. Because it was obvious that it
was a fascist bomb. From this moment. Everything
the previous generation told us. Be careful,
the fascists are coming back. We liberated Italy.
They are terrible. They will come back. All this. Seemed suddenly. TRUE. And from there all this
rhetoric about new supporters was born. From then on, there were also coup attempts,
sometimes real, sometimes feared, and that was
the loss of innocence. Because it’s not so much that we no longer believed in the government and the
police on this specific point, but on nothing. We were suspicious of everything. Barely a year after Piazza Fontana, the Red Brigades claimed responsibility for
their first attack. For the Red Brigades.
The reference to the resistance and struggle of anti-fascist partisans
is omnipresent. The BR, like the Red Army Faction in Germany, also proclaim themselves the
armed wings of proletarian justice. Attacks, kidnappings and murders follow one another
inexorably in both countries. In 1977, the Red Army Faction of Ulrich Meinhof and Andreas Baader kidnapped
and murdered the chairman of the German employers’ association , Hans Martin Schleyer,
a former prominent member of the Nazi Party. In the spring of 1978, it was Aldo Moro, the leader of the Christian Democracy,
who was killed by the Red Brigades. For the far left. In Germany as in Italy,
the question of the link with terrorist organisations, the question of the legitimacy
of the violence it exercises will arise in a nagging and dramatic way
throughout these years of lead. Furnace. Those were horrible years. Horrible. I
have. Known to people who got shot.
Above and below. People shooting.
What was. The serious thing is that part
of the left was fascinated. Or the fact is that many of us
would have had a very difficult time cooperating with the police if they
had asked us to. That’s one thing because. That we distrusted the police,
we distrusted the State. It took the repentant people
for us to start talking. Not to mention I would
never have known any of the details. Because I was never part of
or even flirted with these organizations. But some were romantically
fascinated, as if being clandestine increased one’s
IQ. This does not mean
that I would have denounced them. But I didn’t like him. I fought against them. Mr.
R. It was.
Difficult times. Intellectuals.
Intellectuals were insulted and accused of sympathizing with the
Red Army Faction or of having housed Ulrik Meinhof. Luckily, she
never rang my doorbell. I don’t know how I would have reacted. If I had read some of these articles
and I thought that she had done some very
good critical journalism for a while. It struck a chord with some people, who were
then faced with a dilemma. They were neither for the Red Army Faction nor for acts of terrorism,
but they also did not want to be merciless with those who feared
prison and severe punishment. That’s why for a while
there was a gap. A gray area. Said Rafah. The Baader-Meinstein gang acted as if we were still living under fascism
or as if we would soon be living under it again. I think they felt
like the Avengers, the avengers of the German Resistance,
wiped out and too weak. And therefore, they thought they did not need
to follow any rules, not even the most
minimal rules of humanity. Seriously. The girl’s living conditions
in a terrorist group. At.
NATO continued. Some said that these were comrades who had gone astray, and others were
in favor of violence anyway. I, like many others, have been very
clearly opposed to the use of this violence. During the occupation of the hospital. During the occupation of the hospital,
during our fight for abortion. We, the organizers, realized
that there were women who had been recruited by
terrorist organizations. And what happened was
that we denounced certain doctors with banners that said
this doctor was watching the football match, this woman died while
watching a football match instead of operating on seven other doctors, performed
illegal abortions for a fee, etc. etc. Alain They shot him in the elbow,
another in the leg. The doctors. They were shooting at their elbows
because then they could no longer operate. So a few of us got
together and said enough. And that’s it.
What happened. We never denounced doctors again, we never denounced
the hospital again because it is one thing to denounce and another to decide
that a person will no longer operate. There really was.
A gloomy atmosphere prevails in Turin. Withdrawal into oneself.
It was necessary. Years for it to pass. And in a way.
It has. Allowed to the most
conservative and reactionary forces. To reread.
The past. As if.
67, 68. 69 had to. Inevitably lead to. That. In 1976, plagued by terrorism and
weakened by the protests of women within the organization itself,
Lotta continued. Just as the Proletarian Left,
two years earlier, dissolved itself. This is not the end of her activist journey for Vickie who will continue
to dedicate herself to the cause of women. But if the decline of revolutionary hope is evident in Europe,
other forms of struggle appear in which the generation
of the student movement will plunge. In Germany, the anti-nuclear struggle and then ecology will give a new form
to the aspirations to change the world. So, for me, there. The question of ecology did not begin
with something like But let this flower grow and let this
tree grow and let this frog jump. From the very beginning, it was a big
question of world history for me. The issues of atomic energy and the nuclear bomb are
major strategic questions. And. I presented my first theses
on feminism and ecology in 1977 and all my 60-eighter
and feminist friends looked at me askance and said,
but what is this Eva Kuistore? Feminism and ecology,
what does that mean? And I even talked about electro-fascism and proposed a workshop at the
Women’s University around this theme. It seemed very clear to me
that from now on we could no longer rest on our old problems
and our old struggles, but that we had to understand that with
atomic energy, the nuclear bomb and
global industrial and technical development. News.
Questions arose that could no longer be resolved by the ideas
of the 19th century left. Century. These workers’ struggles are class struggles and all
the categories of thought developed at the time could no longer respond
to these new problems. Prague, 1976. Peter and Lena Tova continue their
path of dissidence, which will soon lead them alongside, among others,
the Slavic playwright Havel. Towards the founding of Charter 77,
the Charter will be the first official document formulated by the
Czechoslovak dissidence. She calls on the regime to respect human rights enshrined
in the country’s constitution. While this man of the year. 76 was a very important year. It was at this time that different political opposition circles began
to forge links with each other. The event that accelerated these connections was the trial of the Plastic People,
a group of young musicians. When they were arrested,
petitions of solidarity were circulated. But as the trial date
approached, there was a sense that something bigger had to be done,
that it was important. And in the corridors of the court where
the trial took place, which lasted at least two or three days, there were
a lot of meetings. People who had not known each other
before, who came from different spheres
of social life, met there. And it was in this atmosphere of solidarity that this
very united environment was created, very characteristic of the spirit of what would
give rise to Charter 77. I remember that when Vaclav Havel
arrived in his uniform saying: Where was the beer, the. The police officer at the entrance to the court asked him:
Are you related to the accused? But that would suit me too. Ravel thought for a moment. He replied Yes, I am his brother. Obviously, it was
in the sense of a brother. Spiritual.
Yes, from a spiritual brother. And they let him in. The Charter gathered 242 signatories
upon its publication in January 1977. Repression fell on those who, like Peter Hull and Anna Tova,
were its main instigators. Engineer Peter Hull, who has become a mechanical worker, is under
constant police surveillance. We can already imagine. I admit that even though we tried to deal with this situation with humor
sometimes, it really wasn’t easy. Some police officers deliberately
followed us very closely so that we could hear the heels
of their shoes clicking. It was a very unpleasant feeling to have these men always,
always around you. Actually, it was all very difficult. This lasted until my
arrest in May 1979. When Peter was imprisoned for the second time in 1979 and
sentenced to five years in prison. We have.
Think. To the possibility of emigrating. We have exchanged several
letters on this subject. So say it. And when Peter.
Told me. In my opinion. It was a difficult thought,
Peter wanted me to make the decision, me who was free
while he was imprisoned. He wrote to me that he would not get angry, that he would accept my decision,
whatever it was. He asked me to decide freely based on what I
believed to be best. So I decided freely and made what I believed to be
the best decision. It’s at.
Say stay. And so we stayed. November 17, 1989. A little over 20 years have passed
since the Czechoslovak Spring. One week since
the fall of the Berlin Wall. Here and here. Prague students
take to the streets. Day after day, they are joined
by an ever-growing crowd. This is the beginning of the
Velvet Revolution. From autumn. It was Monday. 17 18, 19 No. On November 20,
I approached Wenceslas Square. It was almost 4 p.m. and the place
was full, completely full. To the demonstrations of the previous days. There were people there, but they were
far from filling the entire place. And there the crowd
filled it completely. That’s when I understood. That.
That was the end of that regime. And I must. To
say that my impression was a little strange, probably influenced
by the fact that Peter was in prison. I felt a little bitter. It’s hard for me to talk about it. And there I said to myself. How easy it is! At a time when so many people are
getting into it, it’s easy. The game is over.
Is that what I. Did you know perfectly well that it was over? And since I suddenly saw that it was so easy, I admit that I
did something terrible. Ah! Instead of rejoicing with the crowd,
I simply went home and told myself that no
one here needed me anymore. There was no longer any need for courage. So I went home. Next week in the sixth.
I have been. Released on Saturday night. Sunday. The car that took me
an hour or two to get home. At eight.
From Angelica Street, around 3 a.m. Jenna The kitchen was full of people. There was my wife and a strange thing. On.
The fridge, there was one. Television of televisions. I never had a television. Before and.
Since then, we have some. Had one of the first normal ones
in front of the TVs. The images that the television was broadcasting
that night seemed free to me. In the Americas. She was already on the side of the Revolution. That’s when I realized
that yes, we had won. Between 65 and 69, I had an extremely dense and intense social experience,
a real concentration of life. I think I learned that much. Whereas if I had learned fifteen
languages, ten musical instruments, 30 different styles of painting, as many as
if I had learned fifteen trades. What I experienced in the second half of the 70s and after,
I did not experience alone. It’s the idea of giving up a form of activism, which was
a commitment of my whole being. And that, really, is something that is
shared by an entire generation. The problems started afterward in a way,
but maybe because the problems started with the real life afterward
and that was a life in a way
imaginary, like a life. In the dream,
in the dream of revolution, in the dream of love, in the dream of
other things, in the dream of. It may be. Maybe that’s what
I’m nostalgic for. It is from this life in the dream and that the long path after the GP,
it was the path of precisely reconnecting with reality,
of reconnecting with the reality of ordinary life of a life precisely,
unfortunately without hope, that is to say devoid of this great
revolutionary hope. What ? But this life where? Where precisely,
it was necessary to search in the very moment, in what could be the source
of something strong and alive. And it’s much harder when
you’re not a revolutionary. Of course, it’s much harder. GOOD. It’s worse than memories. It is. And when I get out of there, it’s
a bit like vertigo, like. And it goes by at the speed of a film, not in slow motion but in acceleration
like we see films. It’s okay. There would be batteries every time. I perceive the little things of things, these little things that we
did but which seemed. Not much. But in this crushing, stifling world,
where it was necessary to react to apathy in order to give energy,
to campaign, it was necessary to believe in it. It was necessary. Picket. Picket line tonight. Bring roller skates
so you can escape quickly. October 28. 1968. Leaflet on Berthier High School. It’s in.
1975. Woman woman by Lotta Continua. Family planning abortion. 67. From 1967 to 2007, that’s 40 years. A life of activism. No, no.
I don’t know. If I would define myself as an activist.
I make some. Things.
Activists in the idea. All our debates.
Activists. It is the idea that someone must follow
a political line and precepts. But at least. That’s not really my style. I do what seems
right to me at the time I do it. I feel a little. Guilty towards
the new generation. Because . On a number of things
we lost. We may not have managed
to save many things. What is certain is. That we have not transmitted
the love of politics. And that means something. I didn’t keep the love letters. I kept the policy. After 1989, Peter Hull became the
Czech government’s human rights commissioner. Today he is a journalist. Anna Shabat Tova served as a
mediator with the government for several years. Both have been strongly committed to defending the
Roma community in the Czech Republic. Eva Kuistore-Castor was a member of the European Parliament
for the German Green Party from 1989 to 1994. She founded the Women’s
Peace Movement, which she still leads today. After writing a thesis on the history of Peugeot factories,
Yves Cohen now teaches history at the School for Advanced Studies
in the Social Sciences in Paris. He actively participated in the mobilization against
the war in Chechnya. Jean-Paul JT remained
at Peugeot until 1982. He then joined the Belfort town hall, and until his retirement, he ran
a reception center for immigrants. Vicky Franzi Nettie
is an interpreter in Turin. She continues to do what
seems right to her at the time she does it. By the lovely month of May in Paris, by the lovely month of May in Paris. And then spring newness
spreads through the neighborhoods. I saw the wind turning everywhere, time and space. Laughter at the. Will arrive in Paris tomorrow.
Oh ! The lovely month of May in Paris! Alexander. America is not very big and the Eiffel Tower? Thousands of years have passed.
9 Comments
🎉🎉🎉 Bonjour j’ai 81 ans j’ai vécu Mai 68 du côté des Ouvrièrs .< Il est interdit d’interdire > < Sous les pavé la Plage > Amitiés Camarades 🌷🌷🏴☠️🗽
人类历史以来从未没有什么中国🇨🇳制造
事实上几千年人类历史至今 最没有价值的就是华人讲话
中华民族应该再一次次接受严重的文化大革命
我🇲🇾☪️是没什么好事可以给你们🇨🇳的 （基督教中华民族伟大复兴👎菲律宾🇨🇳华人应该接受排华才是😂）
欧美大陆的人类二十一世纪 谁如果崇拜中国🇨🇳制造业工厂的 意图影响政府的
它们 违反西方历史价值观 应该接受监禁3个月😂
欧盟🇪🇺😎
因为中国和华人的🇨🇳行为不当，
我好像全球🌍总指挥一样？巴基斯坦🇨🇳果然是共产主义魔鬼，
印度🇮🇳可以😌开始歧视华人了
thank you for sharing this informative documentary.
Traduit ( Simplifié )
« Les intellectuels de gauche, comme les gens qui ne savent pas que le feu brûle, jouent avec le feu » (Orwell)
Lorsque des intellectuels irrationnels deviennent le courant dominant, c'est une catastrophe pour l'humanité (Raymond Aaron)
La fraude électorale du dictateur vénézuélien Maduro a été condamnée par l'Europe et les États-Unis. Lors des élections américaines de 2020, le Parti démocrate a triché et Trump a popularisé ses partisans. Il a remis en question la fraude électorale et a été destitué et purgé par le Parti démocrate.
1 : Il est triste que le monde d'aujourd'hui soit contrôlé par la gauche. Les 20 dernières années pourraient changer le destin du monde pour des centaines d'années à venir ! L'Europe est inévitablement devenue un lieu de chaos.
2 : La Révolution française a inscrit le droit à la liberté dans la Déclaration des droits de l'homme, mais le gouvernement révolutionnaire a éliminé la liberté individuelle par la « liberté nationale ». Madame Roland se lamente avant la guillotine : « Liberté, liberté, combien de péchés en votre nom ! ”
Dans la société européenne et américaine d'aujourd'hui, l'abus de liberté et la déformation de la liberté sont encore plus revêtus du manteau de la « fierté et du pluralisme » (DFI), et les Jeux Olympiques s'ouvrent pour montrer au monde la « liberté à la française » !
3 : Raymond Aaron est de la partie
L'ouvrage le plus célèbre, L'Opium des intellectuels, affirme que les intellectuels ont créé trois nouvelles religions : « La gauche, la Révolution et le Prolétariat ».
Les maux du système stalinien allaient bien au-delà d'Hitler, qui ne dominait que la société et les individus au nom de l'État, et Staline voulait vraiment monopoliser toute pensée, détruire toute moralité et « transformer la pensée indépendante en une grande rébellion ».
And we're still paying the price for the little rich kids of the usa & europe's will to be revolutionaries. Stupidest generation by far, incalculable damage 😓
J ai 75 ans moi je n ai rien découvert en 1968 sauf la foule qui se battait je viens d un milieu bohème imprimeur militant (cause du peuple et libération entre autre élevée libre de faire vivre devenir qui je voulais mai 68 n était pas un temps de révolte pour moi je vivais depuis bien longtemps pas comme les autres
Ma vie était est politique je n ai jamais changé dans un sens qui n était pas là continuation de cette révolution eh oui on m arrêtait bien avant pour m être assise sur les pelouse interdites et plus quelle belle époque quelle belle vie j ai eu et j ai
Mai 68 a fait beaucoup de mal … Les étudiants croyaient mener une révolution sociale de gauche, ils ont en réalité détruit tous les interdits, les barrières, les structures de la société. Ils ont permis l'avènement de l'individualisme triomphant et barbare. ( Après , tout n'est pas de la faute de Mai 68 )
dehors les bogs